South African citizens march for voluntary departure of undocumented migrants, sparking debate on immigration policies and government response
The South African citizens call for a 30-day ultimatum for illegal immigrants to exit the country
The government is yet to respond on the proposed memorandum
A group of South African citizens took to the streets on May 02,2025, marching from Pieter Roos Park in Parktown to the Gauteng Legislature in Marshalltown – demanding that government give undocumented migrants a 30-day ultimatum to exit South Africa, sparking a heated debate on immigration policies.
The peaceful protesters, organised by a group of concerned citizens, cited concerns over the impact of undocumented migration on the country’s resources, jobs, and infrastructure.
“We are not against migrants who come to our country legally and contribute to our society,” said Edwin Masina one of the march organizers.
“However, we cannot continue to bear the burden of undocumented migrants who strain our systems and take advantage of our generosity,” he added.
The photo of South African citizens marching down the Joburg street to the Gauteng legislature. Photo: Nomfundo Zungu
One of the citizens emphasized concerns on the job competition, crime and safety. “Besides the immigrants selling drugs and kidnapping people, we are also facing an issue of unemployment because illegal immigrants are taking our jobs, graduates are staying at home without jobs.”
The government has yet to respond officially to the call for a 30-day ultimatum. However, officials from the Department of Home Affairs have previously stated that the government is working to strengthen its immigration policies and crack down on undocumented migration.
Immigration experts say that the issue is complex and requires a multifaceted approach.
Dr Nokhutula Khuzwayo, an immigration expert said, “We need to address the root causes of migration, such as poverty and lack of opportunities in migrants’ home countries.
“We also need to ensure that our immigration policies are fair, humane, and effective.”
As the march concluded, participants were unable to submit the memorandum to the Gauteng Legislature speaker Ms Morakane Mosupyoe, as she sent a communication stating that she is on leave.
Government is expected to have a meeting with the march organisers on Tuesday May 07,2025.
FEATURED IMAGE: A picture of South African citizens marching to the Gauteng legislature to hand over the memorandum against illegal immigrants. Photo: Nomfundo Zungu
For years migrants have been experiencing difficulties in becoming legal especially in a country that they find refuge. Countries themselves face difficulties in regulation and accreditation of those migrants.
People such as Jonas* who is a librarian, Rose* a school teacher and Spiwe a town planner and environmentalist, left their home country often not by choice but by circumstance. Being a foreigner in a country like South Africa highlights issues of xenophobia and discrimination which are constant struggles that have been and continue to be addressed in society.
Who is a migrant, refugee or asylum seeker?
According to the Department of Home Affairs spokesperson Mayihlome Tshwete, there is a diverse classification of migrants who come in and out of South Africa. Tshwete explains that there are temporary migrants such as tourists who are often here for short-term business or leisure. Migrants who seek temporary to permanent permits which would include the asylum seekers.
SKILLS: Refugees and asylum seekers have to fulfil standard requirements once allocated time.Photo: Nokuthula Zwane
Within the refugee and migrant policies in South Africa there is different documentation that can authorise for foreigners to reside in SA, for example study and work permits, asylum papers, visitor’s visa and refugees status.
“The role of the department is to live up to our constitutional requirements of providing protection to people who are fleeing persecution in their country or place of origin.
Our responsibility as Home Affairs is to facilitate that and make sure that those people who are genuine asylum seekers get the necessary protection that they need from us, which starts with giving them documentation to be in the country,” said Tshwete.
The migration of a population is a common practice in the world, often based on unfavourable conditions, such as internal migrants who leave home in the rural areas to look for work opportunities in the city.
Internal migrants tend to be different from cross-broader migrants and the reasons for migration into South Africa are often based on political and economic reasons. The cross-broader migrants come from countries such as Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Botswana and Nigeria.
The United Nations Convention definition of a refugee is someone who has fled their home country and has a fear of persecution for reasons of race, tribe, nationality, and political opinion, membership in a particular social group or religion.
“I didn’t have any passport when coming here. My husband and I left at night and travelled on the back of a truck.”
Rose arrived in South Africa fleeing during the night. “I didn’t have any passport when coming here. My husband and I left at night and travelled on the back of a truck,” said Rose. Jonas and Rose are both Zimbabweans who left their country because of the oppressive political instability or what Jonas describes as the “political crisis”.
This can be disheartening to find oneself facing extra struggles in a place that is not familiar.
“I am a recognised refugee in South Africa, which means I have gone through the asylum seeker route. I’ve been through interviews and re-interviews, appeals. I have really gone through a lot. In fact I have finished all the requirements of being a refugee,” said Jonas. However, the stress for him lies in the waiting for what will happen to his refugee status when his permit expires in March 2017.
INFOGRAPHIC:A comparison between a refugee status applicant and an asylum seeker. By: Nokuthula Zwane
In terms of the South African Home Affairs refugee status applications and process, Jonas has been granted a number of extensions. “I don’t know, they are going to tell me, when it expires because my refugee status has been extended,” said Jonas.
“Getting your papers in Johannesburg was impossible because they were only processed on Tuesday. Which meant that you have to sleepover from Sunday and Monday, and hope to be the top 40,” said Jonas.
Rose got her permit as a migrant earlier this year, and says “to get my papers I would have to wake up early and leave at 3am just to be in Pretoria before 8am”.
“Getting your papers in Johannesburg was impossible because they were only processed on Tuesday. Which meant that you have to sleepover from Sunday and Monday, and hope to be the top 40,” said Jonas. Rose got her permit as a migrant earlier this year, and says “to get my papers I would have to wake up early and leave at 3am just to be in Pretoria before 8am”.
Migrants such as Jonas and Rose faced many struggles in becoming recognised in South Africa. They describe the Home Affairs offices as hostile for immigrants where they are told, “There is no war in Zimbabwe, so when you say you want to be a refugee you are a liar, you are an economic immigrant,” said Jonas.
“I fought tooth and nail to get documented,” said Jonas.
Arriving in South African in August 2004, Jonas said, “When I left my home coming here, if you asked me where I was going, I would tell you I don’t know.” When Jonas left his home town in Zimbabwe, Bulawayo, he left behind everything and everyone he knew.
The refugee and migrant policies in South Africa have been under construction over the last couple of years following the increase of displaced people in Africa. Tshwete said that ideally the department would like to get paperwork for refugees and migrants done in three months, however, there are limitations that the office faces.
“Given the amount of applications we have, it takes a lot longer than that; it can take up to two years in many cases. Not only because of our side, the volumes, it’s also because of the appeals that most of the applicants take when they are not given the refugee status,” said Tshwete.
ASSUMPTIONS: African refugees and migrants say they face discrimination in the Joburg CBD for being illegal in the country. By: Nokuthula Zwane
Economic migrants
Recently the Minister of Home Affairs Malusi Gigaba addressed the Regional Conference of the International Association of Refugee Law Judges in Pretoria, highlighting South African achievements and struggles in leading the development of a new policy on international migration and the management of refugees and asylum seekers.
“South Africa currently hosts over 95 000 recognised refugees and last year received approximately 62 000 applications for asylum,” said Gigaba.
An economic migrant is a person who travels from one country or area to another in order to improve their standard of living.
Economic migrants are associated with low-skilled and unskilled work seekers, self employed persons, and small and micro entrepreneurs.
Jonas expressed how he had often been referred to as an economic migrant. Both Jonas and Rose are currently working, and Rose says she is making enough money to rent a place for herself in the CBD.
LEGALLY DOCUMENTED:“I fought tooth and nail to get documented,” said Jonas. Photo: Nokuthula Zwane
According to an AfricaCheck, “Home Affairs contends that these amendments [the Refugees Amendment Bill of 2015] are necessary to prevent economic migrants ‘clogging up’ a system intended for genuine asylum seekers seeking refugee status.”
Gigaba mentioned during his speech the attraction for economic migrants to be classified as asylum seekers is that the “South African jurisprudence has granted asylum seekers the right to work, study and start a business whilst awaiting a refugee status decision.”
Rose, who arrived as an asylum seeker has faced difficulties in receiving asylum papers, waiting for up to six months for the approvals. She said the frustrations were that the “requirements to get the papers were too much and somehow impossible to get”.
The Church’s impact on migrants
The churches themselves, most notably the Catholic Archdiocese of Johannesburg and the Central Methodist Church, have made an effort to assist refugees and migrants in Johannesburg.
According to Rose, “I arrived here in Johannesburg, Park station and the first place I was directed to was the Central Methodist Church in the CBD. The Central Methodist church has been a prominent place of refuge until 2015 when changes within the church structures resulted in the evacuation of all refugees and migrants.
Jonas has also lived at the church and mentioned that he was mainly assisted by Bishop Paul Verryn of the Methodist church to get his permit.
The Catholic Archdiocese of Johannesburg has a department of Pastoral Care for Migrants and Refugees. Sister Maria, the current coordinator of the programme was not willing to be interviewed by university students due to unfortunate previous experiences with student research. However, she said they issue pamphlets and host regular workshops to help migrants and refugees.
During June 2016 the Catholic church held a Refugee Week highlighting the areas that the church assists refugees and migrants, through training, legal support and advocacy and liturgy or celebration and inter-religious spiritual support and networking.
PRAISE AND WORSHIP: Churches such as the Central Methodist Church in the CBD have assisted in the spiritual and physical well-being of migrants and refugees. Photo: Nokuthula Zwane
The requirement to attend the refugee and migrants’ status varies due the accesses of certain services; these requirements listed below are based on the interviews conducted with Rose and Spiwe:
-Work permit letter -police clearance “One from SA and another from Zimbabwe. It can take up to 3 months to get the police clearance,” says Rose -motivational letter -Bank statements. “If you have a bank account you are fortunate because asylum seekers are not allowed to open account,” Rose explains.
“It’s not obvious that when you apply you will get your permit,” said Rose.
Spiwe arrived in South Africa in 2007 on a work permit, to work as a director in a government department. “…Now I have decided on studying at Wits and currently I hold a work and study permit,” said Spiwe. Her experiences of attaining a visa did not result in any struggle because she was brought into the country under critical skills, having applied at home in Zimbabwe.
There are negative assumptions made about migrants, according to Spiwe. “What I have generally discovered is that South Africans don’t like foreigners, because the people that I used to work with actually say it.” She said working conditions were reasonable, however, racial and intellectual stereotypes arise while in the work space.
These, she said, stemmed from corporate institutions paying for “corporate colour” and not qualifications. “I was surprised at how apartheid has finished but it has finished [only] on paper.
“I find it surprising how I can be brought here into the country under critical skills and still be discriminated against. I mean what is the attitude for,” says Spiwe.
Things that migrants would like for citizens to remember is that “I didn’t plan to come to South Africa,” said Rose.
Crossing the t’s and doting the i’s
Jonas, who has made a number of appeals and extensions for his permits, had one question for the Home Affairs spokesperson: “Which Home Affairs office should one go to to renew/ get certification to apply for the Permanent Residence Permit?”
In response, Tshwete advised that he go to the Visa Facilitations Services, a company that facilitates or rather connects all the documentations.
All around the world the movement of migrants and refugees has been become a painful sight to witness especially when people escape deadly situations as in Syria, Ethiopia and Nigeria. Institutions such as the Department of Home Affairs, the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the churches play a significant role in assisting migrants and refugees with permits and legalities.
The degradation that refugees and migrants experience in 2016 highlights how each one of us has a lot of work to do when it comes to making the next person feel a part of humanity.
Jonas, who has made a number of appeals and extensions for his permits, had one question for the Home Affairs spokesperson: “Which Home Affairs office should one go to to renew/ get certification to apply for the Permanent Residence Permit?”
In response, Tshwete advised that he go to the Visa Facilitations Services, a company that facilitates or rather connects all the documentations.
All around the world the movement of migrants and refugees has been become a painful sight to witness especially when people escape deadly situations as in Syria, Ethiopia and Nigeria. Institutions such as the Department of Home Affairs, the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the churches play a significant role in assisting migrants and refugees with permits and legalities. The degradation that refugees and migrants experience in 2016 highlights how each one of us has a lot of work to do when it comes to making the next person feel a part of humanity.
*Not their real names.
FEATURED IMAGE: Hands on top of a home affairs migrant document. Photo: Nokuthula Zwane
Chinese migrants who arrive in South Africa with a lack of English depend on local shop assistants to help them speak to their customers. For shop owners and their assistants to understand each other, they have to come up with creative ways to communicate.
Wishes Kondowe has been working at China Multiplex for over a year now, but she still does not know the name of the general store she works for and only refers to it as “shop number 46”. Though she has no idea what the Chinese printed board hung boldly outside says, she is familiar with more than 500 items in the store. Kondowe starts her day at 7.30am. She cleans the store, helps with stock-taking and stands ready to sell anything from faux Polo handbags to large, brightly-coloured, rubber water guns.
Neither she nor her employer know each other’s names and have come up with a way of addressing each other. Kondowe calls her employer Madala, a common slang word in isiZulu which refers to an elderly man and Madala calls her Sisi, which means sister in isiZulu, a term commonly used at Multiplex for black female cleaners and shop assistants.
Kondowe (23) came to South Africa two years ago after leaving Zimbabwe for a better life. Like her employer she is an economic migrant. She was one of the many men and women who queued for work outside China Multiplex shopping centre. Zimbabweans, Ugandans, and Malawians are some of the foreign nationals who work as shop assistants for Chinese shop owners. Kondowe says the majority of their customers are South African, but it is rare to find South Africans who work as shop assistants at China Multiplex.
It is common for Chinese shop owners to hire foreign nationals to help them communicate with customers in China malls. Foreign nationals who are proficient in English have been an ideal choice for shop owners in the day-to-day running of Chinese businesses. Kondowe believes that Chinese shop owners prefer foreign nationals to South Africans because they can interpret better and are more creative in how they communicate with the owners.
Clarrissa Borman*, one of the managers at China Multiplex, says most Chinese immigrants at the centre speak very little or no English at all. This makes Chinese shop owners vulnerable in the sense that they do not have direct communication with their clients and have to leave negotiations in the hands of their shop assistants. Chinese shop assistants also manage the stock, help communicate with the drivers of delivery trucks and ensure that the shop owners get what they want.
According to Borman, Chinese shop owners have very little control over what goes on in their store because of the language barrier. Shop owners do not approach customers, do not market their goods using sales tactics or even interact with customers. They do however step in when it is time to pay for the purchase.
Pricing practices
The one aspect that Chinese shop owners manage tightly is finances, Borman says. They solely manage the till, step in with price negotiations and the costs for stock deliveries.
“The word price they understand very well. They have two prices, single purchase prices and stock prices.” A single purchase price is the price if one item is bought and the stock price is what they charge when customers buy in bulk.
Regular customers are also given discounts and some stores work on a card roster system to manage discounts given. The more times a customer comes to the store, the more discounts they are eligible for.
Doreen Maseko is one of Madala’s loyal customers. As soon as she walks into his store, he smiles and waves frantically. He starts shouting Sisi at Maseko and calls Kondowe to stop mopping the toy aisle and help with the sale. Maseko asks for a chair from Kondowe and starts pointing at the bags on display she would like to see. Maseko buys handbags at Madala’s shop and re-sells them at higher prices to her clients. She is a regular customer and, whenever she stocks up on her handbags, she presents a card to Madala at the till and on her fifth purchase she will be eligible for a free handbag.
Borman says the language barrier between Chinese shop owners and South African customers has resulted in multicultural business negotiation. Borman says shop assistants, mall security and neighbouring shop assistants are sometimes required to step in to translate and help shop owners to make a sale. Many foreign nationals are not proficient in South African languages and mall security usually has to help whenever an Nguni-speaking customer communicates with shop owners.
Shopkeepers
Kondowe considers herself lucky to be Ndebele. This means she does not need much help from mall security guards when dealing with Nguni-speaking customers as Ndebele is similar to isiZulu. Kondowe says she can understand a lot of South African languages because she rents a room in Soweto with her sister.
“Some of the people I stay with are Sotho, Tswana and Zulu so I have learnt to pick up the things they say.”
Kondowe has a diploma in management of business from Tourword College in Zimbabwe, and she says her qualification helps her run Madala’s business. She assists in managing the stock, customer relations and sales.
Poor working conditions
While Chinese traders believe they have a good relationship with their African employees, the tale is sometimes different for their employees. One female Malawian shop assistant says: “Working with the Chinese traders we have [a] language barrier; the communication is based on simple words in broken English. I was working in another Chinese shop before this one but because of strict rules from my boss [no days off] I resigned. If you miss a working day, you are not paid.”
The shop assistant says, because of the arrival of Chinese traders in South Africa and the large numbers of China malls in the city, the job market is better than in her home country. “I found an opportunity with the arrival of Chinese traders.”
“When you work for the Chinese, some things they don’t understand. Like public holidays, how can you explain that?”
Kondowe works seven days a week and, because of the language barrier, she does not know how to ask for days off. “When you work for the Chinese, some things they don’t understand. Like public holidays, how can you explain that?”
Communication techniques
Kondowe and Madala have invented their own language to communicate with each other. Kondowe says the language consists of a system of gestures, a mixture of languages and sometimes re-enactments to communicate.
“[We communicate] with a little bit of Chinese language, looka looka [to look, or check], and sign language. Sometimes if he doesn’t understand, I show him pictures or draw things customers want.”When customers bring toys or damaged bags back, Kondowe finds out why and tries to explain the damage to Madala. She is not allowed to touch the till and needs permission from Madala to approve an exchange or return.
When customers do complain about a purchase, Kondowe says Madala shows them the “no refund” sign.
Borman says South Africa is home to various communities of Chinese people who arrived at different times from different parts of China and Taiwan. Chinese shop owners speak different languages, practise different religions, and have vastly different levels of integration into society.
“There is an absence of an organised Chinese traders’ association to defend their interests, and communicate the needs to management.”
Chinese shop owners complain about not receiving assistance from the complex with matters relating to rental. “There is an absence of an organised Chinese traders’ association to defend their interests, and communicate the needs to management.”
Borman says China Multiplex is in the process of trying to find a Chinese manager. There are instances where management has tried to implement a new policy and conditions of the lease, but they fell on deaf ears as Chinese shop owners were left confused or just did not understand.
“When we ask them something, they tell you straight that they don’t understand, and this can be very frustrating.”
Help from mall management
George Mystris, a restructuring consultant for China Mall and China Multiplex, says language is a major problem within China malls. “Chinese people have their own negotiation style but it gets complicated when you have different cultures and nationalities negotiating. Things don’t always end up as intended.”
Mystris says the mall has put in place support structures to help shop owners with customers. The mall has a few South African security guards with walkie-talkies on every floor if a translator is needed. Most of the shop assistants at China Mall are Malawians and do not speak local languages.
“People that work here try to do their translations [into local languages]; although there are a lot of workers here, their English is not good but they do speak Zulu, Xhosa, and Sotho. But the majority of [Chinese shop owners] use their staff to find out what their customers actually need,” Mystris says.
A new family
The work relations and relationship between Chinese shop owners and their assistants has evolved. New traditions have emerged and relationship bonds strengthened.
Henly Gumibe (24), has been working at China Multiplex for more than three years. He left Malawi after his father died from a long illness. He has been working with Allen Lui for three years now and considers her as his family.
“I work here every day, all year without any public holidays, so I spend a lot of time with my boss and we have an easy relationship here at work.”
Lui sometimes brings lunch to work for Gumibe and they have created a communication system for themselves. “For example, if she wants a pen, she will start writing in the air and, if I show her a pencil, she will say ‘no another one’ and I will bring out a pen.”
Gumibe guesses what Lui wants until he gets it right. He says their relationship is mutually beneficial. He complains that the wages are low but appreciates the fact that Lui will give him old clothes, shares lunch with him and that they even play games together when the shop is not busy.
“When we are bored we use Makro[wholesale store] pamphlets, I will show her what I like and she will smile or nod or show me what she likes.”
Chinese shop owners
Ron Yang (44), runs Nizams, a supermarket in Protea South. He is a qualified medical doctor in Fujei, China. Yang came to South Africa with his wife and son in 2006 and cannot practise medicine in South Africa because he is not proficient in English.
Yang says he loves Soweto because of its safety aspect. “People in Soweto treat me well. Bad experiences towards Chinese people are scarce. They greet me saying ’Chinese, China’ and I say ’hello’ to them”. Yang cannot speak a local language but he can pick up what customers want and if he struggles, he calls one of his assistants.
When customers are looking for items in the store, he can pick up things such as rice, tea and washing powder and show them the aisle in which they are located. Yang says he is learning to memorise South African phrases. When he first arrived to South Africa, he spoke little English. “I was using smaller English,” he says. “Now in South Africa, I can hear what customers want but I don’t talk too much.”
Yang is not the only Chinese foreign national in the shopping centre as Korean and other Chinese shop owners also trade. Yang prefers hiring people from Malawi to help translate in his store. Though they do not speak South African languages, they are more proficient in English. “William, speak nice English.” William is Yang’s assistant who has been the store manager for three years.
William can understand South African languages, mainly Setswana and isiZulu, which he attributes to living in Soweto. Yang also says Soweto and its people treat Chinese people well. “Chinese people are too much [many] in Soweto, you get Japanese, Korean, Taiwanese – in Soweto are all welcome.”
The Market Theatre’s main stage was the platform where six diverse minds gathered to discuss migration, a topic central to all of their individual work.
The last day and the last panel discussion of the Mail & Guardian Literary Festival helped to make audience members and authors alike reflect on the movement of people in and out of cities and countries.
The poor accommodating the poor
Wandile Zwane from the City of Johannesburg’s Migrant Helpdesk, used an interesting anecdote from a conversation he had had with a woman, illustrating a point made earlier about migration being a situation where the poor are accommodating the poor. [pullquote]”…people migrate to places with a gravitational pull…”[/pullquote]
The woman talked about the hierarchy that existed when it came to where one slept in her house. As a young child one was in the main bedroom, the older one got you would move to the dining room and the kitchen to make space for the younger ones. Eventually one would land up in the outside room and from there move on to their own house with a spouse.
Unfortunately her marriage had not worked out so she had to move back to the outside room with her kids, but because there was an immigrant living in that room she had to go back to the kitchen. The story points to one explanation of the animosity that exists around migration in South Africa.
Migration
Chinua Achebe’s book ‘There was a Country’ was the theme around which the conversation around which migration had to bend itself.
The panel consisted of writers who had threaded together stories and books, all zooming in on migration and themes central to resettlement. The panel discussion was largely based on the different writers’ works and their experiences of bridging political and personal narratives in their storytelling.
A young writer making waves in the literary world, NoViolet Bulawayo, said emergent personal narratives are based on political events, and that it was not possible to separate the two in one’s writing. [pullquote align=”right”]“Johannesburg is a migrant city”[/pullquote]
While the works of the six on stage were central to the discussion, engagement with audience members opened up the dialogue and brought up issues that were left out in the initial conversation.
Photographer and self-proclaimed book lover, Victor Dlamini (@victordlamini) made a poignant point from the floor, which steered the conversation to a meaningful point. He commented on people who are migrants themselves taking issue with people who migrate. He used Johannesburg as an example, saying most people who are in this city are not even from this city. “Johannesburg is a migrant city,” he added.
Panelist and writer, Achmat Dangor responded by saying that he agreed with Dlamini and pinned negative attitudes around migration on mechanisms of ‘othering’. He added that people migrate to places with a gravitational pull because of new ideas in that specific place. This is always the case with ‘big cities’, the activity and promise of economic emancipation lure people in, be it across borders or provincial lines.
Caroline Wanjiku Kihato, author of The Bookseller of Kibera, added to Dangor’s response, saying that human beings had a tendency of finding one another’s differences and using them to oppress one another.
Another audience member asked why was it that only Africans were considered immigrants. He did not understand why the Chinese and Europeans who come to this country were not treated with the same hostility that “our brothers” were.
In response Kwanele Sosibo (@KwaneleSosibo), journalist at the Mail & Guardian, simply said “we do it to ourselves”. He went on to narrate an anecdote about how people in an Eastern Cape community believe in measuring people according to certain pedigrees. Mining house recruiters divided them up according to body size, using pedigree determine who’d make best workers, exemplary of systematic ‘othering’.
Writing Invisibility
The Writing Invisibility e-book was launched. Some of the writers on the panel were contributors in the book which was a project done in collaboration with the Wits African Centre for Migration & Society.
A viral social media claim that foreign nationals make up 98% of Wits staff has been rejected by the university, which says the actual figure is 9%.
Claims that Wits’ has foreign nationals make up 98% of Wits’ staff went viral on social media.
Wits dismissed these claims and said that the correct figure is 9%.
Wits further added that internet users should refrain from spreading information that aims to divide the country.
After trending on social media this past weekend, the University of Witwatersrand has dismissed the viral claims that 98% of its staff are foreign nationals. Wits went to Tik Tok, Twitter and Facebook to dismiss the claims, labelling it “Fake News” and stating that international staff make up 9%.
The list of names that circulated was a screenshot of one page from the Wits academic staff list. The screenshot showed names from a Wits academic staff list but contained no accompanying statistics on the nationality of the university’s staff. The university also warned that the false information could contribute to division within the country. In a response on social media, Wits said, “Please refrain from sharing misinformation which seeks to sow division in our community and our country.”
Wits Vuvuzela contacted the Communications department at the University of Witwatersrand for further comment and verification of the claims. In its response, the university confirmed that international staff account for 9% of its approximately 5500 employees. The department also reiterated its earlier statement that the social media posts are misinformation.
Wits said its objective is to balance the development of South African leadership with the recruitment of international expertise where necessary. “Our objective is therefore neither localisation nor internationalisation in isolation, but a strategically balanced institution that develops South African leadership while drawing on the very best expertise available globally, where necessary” Wits commented.
The claim comes amid renewed debate over the employment of foreign nationals in South Africa, including concerns raised by the March-and-March movement about undocumented migrants and employment.
However, it remains unclear where the 98% figure originated on social media and Wits has called on members of the public to refrain from sharing the claim as well as verifying information before circulating it.
FEATURED IMAGE: The Great Hall at the University of Witwatersrand. Image by Zebrena Ralph
Hundreds took to the streets, calling for protection of housing rights and an end to rising xenophobia.
Operation Ubuntu marched to the Premier’s Office to oppose the PIE amendment and rising anti-migrant sentiment.
Housing activists and informal settlers argue that the revision to the PIE Act criminalises poverty.
The march’s memorandum calls for greater state accountability in handling anti-migrant hostility.
On the morning of August 8, a coalition of over 60 social justice organisations under the name Operation Ubuntu led a march to the Premier’s Office demanding an end to xenophobia and a rejection of the proposed amendment to the Prevention of Illegal Eviction (PIE) Act.
The march was one of many coordinated protests taking place in Johannesburg, Cape Town and Durban in response to two issues affecting marginalised communities: ongoing xenophobia and housing insecurity.
Marchers charging through the streets holding banners and placards. Photo: Jamie Ho.
Woman holding a placard condemning xenophobia. Photo: Jamie Ho.
Frustration as protestors march for housing rights and an end to xenophobia. Photo Jamie Ho.
Central to the protest was the recent proposal for an amendment to the PIE Act. Currently, people cannot be evicted from their homes without a court order as the Act operates in accordance with Section 26 of the Constitution, which stipulates that “everyone has the right to access adequate housing”.
Activists fear the proposed amendments would weaken these protections, particularly for people living in informal settlements and other forms of insecure housing. They are particularly concerned that courts could order evictions without requiring municipalities to provide alternative accommodation.
“The municipality cannot have that power of evicting us without meaningfully engaging with us and without even understanding our background,” said Operation Ubuntu coordinator, General Moyo.
Housing activists condemn the proposed revision for failing to address the structural causes of housing insecurity that stem from poverty, entrenched inequality and poor governance. Instead, it places further strain on already vulnerable communities by forcing them out of their homes.
“Critics have long referred to this approach as pounding the tip of the ice-berg or swatting at the flies when a corpse is rotting,” explained Marie Huchzermeyer of Siyafana Sonke, a civic movement aligned with Operation Ubuntu.
Furthermore, the government’s persistent failure to address housing insecurity has left residents with few options. “In 33 years, not one RDP house was built in our community,” said Fagmedah Edeies, who resides in an informal settlement within Eldorado Park. “As a mother, I must remember that I have children and I have grandchildren. Where will they then go if this amendment is passed?”
Data visualisation showing housing backlog. By: Jamie Ho.
Beyond housing insecurity, the march also confronts escalating waves of xenophobia across the nation. “We are in solidarity with all the African brothers and sisters that are facing the crisis,” Moyo affirmed.
In their memorandum, Operation Ubuntu called for greater action from state institutions in handling matters of anti-migrant hostility.
Firstly, it singled out SAPS for not protecting vulnerable migrant communities from vigilantism. “We are calling on the police,” Moyo explained, “to make sure that they abide by their obligation which is to serve and protect without discrimination and without favour.”
Secondly, they highlighted the issue of documentation as a systemic failure by Home Affairs and demanded a two-year moratorium on all arrests and forced repatriations to allow migrants sufficient time to obtain documents.
Thirdly, in light of the upcoming elections, Moyo warned political parties against scapegoating migrants for electoral gain. “We will be watching those that will be campaigning trying to use the platform of hate and violence in communities to get votes.”
Held on the eve of Women’s Day, the march highlighted the broader demand for dignity, security and equal protection. For protestors, xenophobia and housing rights are part of the same struggle: a move to ensure that vulnerable communities, and the women and children within them, are not left without a home or a voice.
A mother holding a placard advocating for women and children safety. Photo: Jamie Ho.
Protestors chanting through the streets against the PIE Act amendment and xenophobic violence. Photo: Jamie Ho.
“Stop treating us like animals” reads sign at protest. Photo: Jamie Ho.
FEATURED IMAGE: A placard advocating for women and children safety during the Operation Ubuntu protest. Photo: Jamie Ho.
Activists protest to challenge mounting xenophobic violence.
Students and academics at Wits University protest against the escalating violence faced by migrants.
Demonstrators urge law enforcement to treat targeted vigilante attacks as hate crimes.
The picket highlights the need to counter xenophobic hate through conversation and empathy.
A group of activists gathered on Friday outside Wits University’s Jan Smuts entrance, staging a picket against the escalating wave of anti-migrant violence and xenophobic intimidation sweeping through local communities.
Protesters transformed the university entrance into a focal point for advocacy, displaying prominent banners and hand-painted signs condemning anti-migrant violence. One sign targeted the xenophobic rhetoric of Gayton McKenzie, accusing him of fueling an ‘Apart-hate,’ while others declared, ‘Targeting undocumented migrants is a hate crime’ and ‘No one is illegal.’
This demonstration was organised as a joint effort between Community Arts Mobilisation Project (CAMP), BDS Coalition, Kopanang Africa Against Xenophobia, Wits University Palestine Committee (WAPC) and Siyafana Sonke.
As attacks on migrants grow increasingly hostile, demonstrators call on law enforcement agencies to actively prosecute those inciting violence.
One protestor, Professor Marie Huchzermeyer, said the attacks constitute hate crimes. “This includes not only targeting people on the basis of their culture or country of origin, but also their migration status,” she states.
Dean Hutton, artistic director of CAMP, underscored the role of creative movements in driving social change, noting that artistic expression can “appeal to the soft parts of humans that rhetoric does not touch or move to action.”
Huchzermeyer echoes this view, stating “There is a view in Siyafana Sonke that I am drawn to which tries to win over the adversaries, making it a campaign of love rather than confrontation.”
Picture of two activists holding a banner that reads “No one is illegal”. Photo: Jamie Ho.
The picket is one of several planned demonstrations aimed at countering xenophobic narratives across South Africa. However, with tensions continuing to simmer across multiple provinces, activists acknowledge they face sustained pressure as they push back against organised anti-migrant sentiment.
FEATURED IMAGE: Picture of demonstrator holding a sign reading “Targeting undocumented migrants is a hate crime”. Photo: Jamie Ho.
IN-DEPTH REPORTING PROJECT 2025 Joburg, a world-class African city? Is Johannesburg a world-class African city? That was the provocation given to this year’s cohort for consideration and investigation. Their curiosity led them down varied paths, which revealed...
Two years after the Usindiso building fire, inner-City residents still wait for answers from the city of Johannesburg.
Darkness, green-water puddles and the stench of blocked sewage welcome you as you walk through the streets of Doornfontein, in the inner city of Johannesburg. A part of the City of Gold that has now turned into the city of filth. Yet Mother Nature continues to do what she does best: the Jacaranda trees bloom, their purple flowers desperately trying to make the streets of Angle Road pleasing to the eye.
Two years ago, thick smoke engulfed the city’s sky and wails of loss filled the air as 77 people died when the Usindiso building caught fire. One would have thought that this tragedy would prompt the city council to act, make buildings safe and secure. But that’s just a wild dream for the residents of the Linatex Building.
Doornfontein’s decaying buildings stand along 27 Angle road, where crumbling infrastructure shapes daily life. Photo: Likho Mbuka
Yet amid the decay, small acts of resilience persist. Men sit on plastic chairs beside the road, passing around quarts of beer. A few metres ahead, women join them, laughing in low tones as taxis idle nearby. Beyond the parked cars, the Linatex Building rises like a scar, paint peeled away, windows replaced with plywood, entrance dark and damp. Water pools at the doorway, spilling from a broken pipe inside.
This is where 52 families call home. Inside, life continues despite the city’s absence.
Walk down Angle Road today and you’ll see the skeleton of what Doornfontein once was. The Linatex Building, with its art deco bones and high ceilings, still hints at the suburb’s industrial glory; when it was Johannesburg’s first residential neighbourhood, alive with the clatter of factories and the hum of workers streaming to and from the mines.
Through much of the 20th century, these narrow streets buzzed with purpose. Workshops spilled oil onto pavements. Warehouses stored goods bound for the gold economy. Workers lived in tight quarters above the factories, their children playing in alleyways that smelled of diesel and ambition.
But when apartheid ended, capital moved north. The money followed Sandton’s glass towers and manicured business parks, leaving Doornfontein’s buildings to rot. First went the machinery. Then the workers. Then the owners. Roofs began to leak. Drains clogged with debris no one came to clear. Damp crept up the walls, turning them black with mould.
Doornfontein’s decline
By the early 2000s, families had arrived: displaced workers, migrants, people seeking shelter close to schools and taxi routes. They moved into the hollow shells of Linatex, of Walpert Motors on Janie Street, of a dozen other abandoned buildings. They paid rent to whoever claimed to be in charge.
The City of Johannesburg has a name for these places: “hijacked buildings.” Properties abandoned by owners, now occupied and managed informally. The city says syndicates control some of them, extracting illegal rent from desperate tenants.
But the Socio-Economic Rights Institute (SERI) calls it something else: survival. The argue that the term “hijacked” criminalises people who occupy these spaces not out of greed, but out of having nowhere else to go.
According to SERI, many residents pay rent often to informal caretakers, and take on repairs themselves, patching leaks and unclogging drains that the City ignores.
“People occupy these buildings because they have nowhere else to go,” said SERI’s Osmond Mngomezulu. “The City’s failure to provide safe, affordable housing forces them to choose between homelessness and hazard.”
The narrative of mass hijacking is repeated by city officials and in the media. The facts tell a different story.
In September 2025, the Commission of Inquiry into the Usindiso Building fire released findings that shattered that assumption.
The evidence found by the Commission does not support the idea that criminal syndicates have “taken over” inner-city buildings. Only 5,74% of properties showed alleged rent collection by non-owners. Instead, the Commission pointed to poverty and a critical shortage of affordable housing as the root causes driving people into unsafe buildings.
“Bad buildings or unsafe buildings are routinely described as hijacked,” the report noted with undertones suggesting that the occupiers are the hijackers.
The Commission went further: it discouraged the City of Johannesburg and political office bearers from using the word “hijacked” at all. The term, they said, is pejorative, it criminalises the poor for surviving.
Yet the label persists. And so does the city’s neglect.
Plastic waste and a cooking drum fire stand outside Linatex. Photo: Likho Mbuka
Surviving Linatex
Outside the Linatex Building, Fredah Motshwane stands at the entrance, surrounded by plastic crates stacked like a makeshift barrier against the street. She is the first person I meet that morning; she waves me over and guides me through the damp corridor, her flip-flops slapping against the wet concrete.
“We moved here on 1 June 2014, after the fire burned the third floor of the Moth Building near Park Station,” she says, her voice calm but steady. She gestures toward the darkened stairwell behind her.
“I have kids, but they don’t stay with me anymore. After Usindiso, I sent them home. I was scared.”
Motshwane doesn’t pay rent. She survives on occasional domestic work and small handouts. “The City says this place is hijacked, but it’s the same City that brought us here,” she adds, folding her arms across her chest.
She pauses, listening to the sound of water dripping somewhere deep inside the building. “Since then, no one has come back. The roof leaks, the toilets are blocked, and we fetch water outside. Still, this is home.”
Inside, the building tells its own story. On the first floor, a single light bulb flickers over a narrow passage. Electrical wires snake along the ceiling, patched together with tape and rope. The walls sweat from moisture, paint peel in long strips. The air smells faintly of burning paraffin and mildew.
At the corner, a small room glows with warm light. Inside, David Thabethe stands behind a wooden counter no bigger than a school desk in his tuckshop.
“This is how I survive,” he says, handing a loaf of bread to a young woman clutching coins. Packets of chips hang on nails on the wall.
“Even when the water stops or the lights go, we still try. The city forgot about us. But we still plan,” he adds.
Further down the corridor, the smell of damp grows stronger. Vusumuzi Dwyili appears from a doorway, gesturing at a broken pipe leaking onto the floor. “That light?” He points at the flickering bulb. “We fixed it ourselves. When something breaks, we fix it. The city hasn’t been here for years.”
His one-room home, barely big enough for a bed and a cupboard, has no windows. The door doesn’t close properly, and a curtain serves as his only privacy.
Life in the cracks of a world-class City
Johannesburg brands itself as a “world-class African city.” Billboards promise innovation, investment, glass towers reaching for the sky. Yet for residents of Doornfontein, that slogan feels like a cruel joke.
The city’s own records list over 600 “bad buildings” in the inner city, structures deemed unsafe or illegally occupied. Linatex is one of them. In a 2024 media statement, the City’s Human Settlements Department confirmed that the building is used for “temporary emergency accommodation” and is “under assessment.” Repairs to plumbing, wiring, and waterproofing were promised. Plans to remove “illegal occupants” were mentioned.
No public timelines have been released. Two years after Usindiso. Two years of waiting.
Nearby, at Walpert Motors and Lalanathi, the story is the same. Both are privately owned, and the city insists the owners are responsible for maintenance under municipal by-laws. The City’s “bad buildings strategy,” managed by the Office of the Chief Operating Officer, promises to “improve safety and ensure lawful occupancy through assessments, partnerships with owners, and gradual relocation of residents.”
But SERI researchers say this language masks something simpler: systemic neglect. “It’s easier to call people illegal than to confront the housing crisis,” Mngomezulu says. “The City’s constitutional duty is to provide safe, alternative accommodation before eviction. Yet it seldom does so.”
The numbers tell their own story
The Usindiso Commission of Inquiry, convened after the 2023 fire, found that up to 188 buildings in the inner city lacked basic fire-safety compliance. 65% had no working extinguishers. 80% had exposed electrical wiring or blocked emergency exits. Many had no provision of basic services, no water, no electricity, no sanitation, no refuse removal.
The Commission’s recommendations were clear: provide basic services to bad buildings immediately. Invest in infrastructure. Adopt a coherent plan to address homelessness, including a recalibrated Inner City Housing Implementation Plan (ICHIP).
Sizwe Pamla, spokesperson for the Gauteng Premier, confirms that the report has been received.
“The city manager is responsible for ensuring compliance with the Occupational Health and Safety Act,” he says. “The Department of Employment and Labour holds broader enforcement responsibilities.”
The report’s release, he adds, will be finalised once “an opening in the Premier’s schedule” allows.
For residents like Motshwane, the delay feels like an afterthought.
“They talk about safety, but we’re still here in danger,” she says.
Each building tells the same story: survival without state support. At Walpert Motors, now home to forty families, Thobile Zondo sweeps the cracked concrete floor of her one-room space. A thin curtain separates her sleeping area from her cooking corner. Sunlight filters through gaps in the boarded windows.
“We’ve been asking for toilets, for windows, for repairs, but nothing,” she says, leaning her broom against the wall.
She pauses, watching a neighbour carry a bucket of water past her door. “But we clean together. We make this place liveable.”
Their stories expose the contradiction at the heart of Johannesburg’s urban narrative: a city chasing investment and luxury developments while criminalising its poor for surviving. For yearning for basic rights. For wanting dignified living conditions.
From decay to defiance: the spirit of Doornfontein
Just across the road from Linatex, at 32 Van Beek Street, laughter spills from Skateistan, a skateboarding and education centre built between warehouses. Inside, children zip across ramps, their helmets flashing under fluorescent lights. Upstairs, others sit on desks, bent over homework.
Educator Enos Rankwe, once an engineering student, mentors dozens of children daily.
Skating gives young people a sense of freedom and purpose in a city that often forgets them. Photo: Likho Mbuka
“We give them a place to dream,” he says, watching a girl land her first kickflip. “After school, they come here for food, lessons, and skating. We teach kindness, not just tricks.”
For many of these children, some from Linatex and Walpert, Skateistan is the only space where childhood feels safe.
“Here, they’re free,” Rankwe says. “Even for an hour, they forget what’s waiting at home.”
Dr. Yvette Esprey, a clinical psychologist at Wits University, calls this “social cohesion in motion.”
“Shared, creative spaces like Skateistan rebuild trust and agency in environments shaped by trauma,” she said. “They’re a counterbalance to neglect.”
Crispyboards’ inner-city skatepark gives skaters like Slayde and Zev a space of freedom and movement. Photo: Likho Mbuka
Yet the contrast is stark. The city’s Joburg 2040 Growth and Development Strategy (GDS) envision a “world-class African city” built on innovation, inclusivity, and resilience. Ten years have passed since former mayor of Johannesburg, Parks Tau’s address promising to turn “challenges into opportunities.”
The inner city reflects something else: systemic inertia.
SERI estimates that over 20,000 people live in “bad buildings” across the inner city, including migrants, women-led households, workers earning below the minimum wage. Despite commitments to refurbish or relocate residents, the city’s Special Projects Unit has not released a public progress report since 2022.
Edward Molopi from SERI is blunt: “The city’s approach frames inner-city poverty as criminality rather than a housing crisis. People are forced into these conditions because they’ve been excluded from formal housing markets. Instead of support, they face raids, evictions, and stigma.”
Tomorrows city, today’s neglect
As the afternoon light fades, the children at Skateistan roll past the decaying walls of Linatex. Their laughter echoes down the street, bright, defiant, alive.
In Doornfontein, survival is not passive. It’s an act of protest. From Fredah’s determination to keep her children safe, to Thobile’s daily cleaning of a floor that isn’t hers, to Enos’s skateboarding lessons, each story reveals a city sustained not by policy, but by people.
For all the city’s promises of being “world-class,” perhaps Johannesburg’s real greatness lies elsewhere: in the resilience of its poorest residents. In their refusal to give up on a place that has already given up on them.
Crispyboards’ inner-city skatepark gives skaters like Slayde and Zev a space of freedom and movement. Photo: Likho Mbuka
FEATURED IMAGE: Johannesburg’s inner city is notorious for decay and danger, yet its young skaters carve out pockets of freedom in the midst of it. Photo: Likho Mbuka
Unpacking the unseen side of Johannesburg, where informal workers keep the city running despite lacking recognition and job security.
The “City of Gold’s” informal workers keep the city running, but remain unprotected and often unseen.
Street vendors and domestic workers form the backbone of the city’s economy, while battling insecurity and police harassment.
Despite promises and policies, informal traders still face eviction and neglect from law officials.
The day’s work starts at dawn, with traders, cleaners and recyclers rousing Johannesburg’s thriving economy through informal trading. It’s 4am on a Thursday morning and Thomas Huuguamze, a 50-year-old street vendor is getting ready to set up his stall on the pavements at Soweto’s Zone 6, Bara taxi rank[LM1] . By 5.30am he needs to have his umbrella and table set up with a colourful spread of sweets for the early-bird taxi riders on their way to work. He is relieved that today it is not raining, otherwise that would mean no trade. No work means no pay, which means he won’t be able to send enough money back home in Mozambique. “My problem is my umbrella,” he says with a tired smile. “When it rains there’s no work for me, I close my shop.”
About 45 minutes away, in Cosmo City, we meet Beauty Moyo, a 35-year-old domestic worker. Before dawn breaks, she is awake, moving quietly through her small kitchen, as she boils water for a bath and packs lunch for her partner of 14 years. By 6.30am he’s out of the door, and only then does she attend to herself. Accompanied by the sounds of bird chirps, she packs a change of clothes in her bag, throws on her jeans and a jacket. The time is 7.30am, so she hurriedly walks to the taxi rank. Her route to Sandton is long and crowded, but she’s used to it. By 9am, she’s ringing the intercom at the gate of a sleek house owned by two lawyer brothers where she’s worked for the past three years. They treat her with respect, and she returns the favour with loyalty and laughter that fills the home. It’s hard work, but she takes pride in it, creating a world different to her own.
Johannesburg is known as Africa’s “City of Gold”, its glass buildings stand tall and twinkle, but its shine relies on the informal sector. Johannesburg’s skyscrapers, Africa’s biggest stock exchange, and corporate headquarters coexist with a foundational city of informal yet essential labourers who keep it running.
Through the lively streets of Cosmo City, Soweto’s taxi ranks, and the inner city’s pavements, the informal sector is the hidden gem of South Africa’s financial capital.
Statistics South Africa (Stats SA) reports that Gauteng is home to 28,9% of the nation’s informal businesses, with a large portion based in Johannesburg. “They play an important role in providing a market for the poorer people of the economy, which is important for low-income consumers. A large portion of the economy hasn’t recognised street vendors and informal traders” says Pat Horn, an International Coordinator of StreetNet International.
Inside Joburg’s hidden economy
The quiet struggles for survival that sustain Johannesburg’s world-class status are under-acknowledged. The city’s true economic story is written not only in the boardrooms of Africa’s richest square mile, but in the resilience of its informal workers.
Johannesburg’s informal economy a way of putting food on the table for many, including locals and foreign nationals. The sector acts as a shock absorber to the country’s inequality. According to Stats SA’s Quarterly Labour Force Survey (QLFS) for Quarter 2 of 2024, Gauteng’s unemployment rate remains high, at 32.9%.
“The formal economy cannot create enough jobs for people in South Africa,” says David Francis, a researcher at the University of the Witwatersrand, who is an urban market economist. “People have to subsist in the informal economy, because of the apartheid legacy.”
While the labour of informal workers generates money and provides essential services across the city of Johannesburg, the sector itself is denied credible recognition and protection. “This is where I live, when they chase us away, I’ll come back. I don’t have another plan,” added Huuguamze.
“Research shows a disjoint in the government and the municipality, the quarterly data does not reflect the actual numbers on the ground,” says Francis.
The wealthy north shines with skyscrapers and firms, while the south and townships battle with poverty and unemployment. The so called “City of Gold”, Africa’s powerhouse, depends on the markets, domestic workers, and street vendors from these townships to keep its formal economy running.
The stories stats can’t tell
In the busy streets of Soweto’s Diepkloof, the scorching sun shines down on Huuguamze’s worn-out umbrella. He takes off his jersey and wears a discoloured cap. He immigrated to South Africa in 2008, for “greener pastures”. Renting a small R500 bachelor flat, Soweto has become his home away from home. For three years, a small portion of a shared pavement has become his workplace and lifeline.
Huuguamze turned to selling goods after leaving his contractual jobs, frustrated by months of unpaid wages. “Some contracts pay; some have stories. I see this business as being better,” he says. Now, his stall is his main source of income. With a wife and five children to feed in Mozambique. He works tirelessly to send home about R2,000 every month, and relies on a stokvel to restock and cover rent in tough times. But life as a street vendor is not easy. The weather and law officials are his biggest challenges[LM2] .
He sighs in frustration. “Makuqhamuka iMetro, siyabaleka sonke nje, akunandaba ukuthi uyi South African noma owangaphandle, sonke siyabaleka. [When the Metro police come, we all run, it doesn’t matter if you’re South African, or from outside, we all run.]
With a weary voice, he continues, “…uma unga baleki, bathatha istock sakho, siyabaleka. [If you don’t run, they confiscate your stock, so we run.]
Having a wife and five children still in school is what keeps him motivated.
Despite his challenges, Huuguamze remains at his post everyday, dusk till dawn, determined to make a living and keep his family fed, a symbol of resilience amid the daily struggles of the city’s informal economy.
A different perspective
Across town, Moyo’s day takes a different shape, but the same determination reflects in her job as she sweeps the afternoon away.
As afternoon sun beams catch on the veranda, Moyo sweeps dust onto the grass. Her faded apron clings to her, and she adjusts a worn out headscarf before continuing.
Originally from Zimbabwe, she came to Johannesburg in 2010 after her father passed away. Things at home became hard, and she couldn’t matriculate. As a young woman coming to South Africa, she had dreams of opening her own business one day. “I don’t like working for people, I wanted a decent job, my own business,” she says with her head tilted down and sincere in tone.
With two children, four siblings, and a mother aged 67, her income supports their needs. “Working here supports my family, they can go to school, and I can support them,” she says, with a faint smile.
Moyo sells perfumes as a side hustle, in light of her business ownership dreams. “At least people buy the perfumes I sell, the money helps me a lot,” she says positively.
Although she’s got aspirations, the value of Moyo’s work lies in the support she gives to families. “I help them a lot,” she explains, “because they have the finances but not the energy to clean. I clean the windows, bedrooms and kitchen,” she says with pride.
Yet, even with her dedication and pride, she says job security is never guaranteed. “…akuna security kulo msebenzi” [there’s no security with this job], maybe next year there won’t be funds for me at the job”, she says with a saddened voice.
Despite the challenges faced, Moyo has learnt skills far beyond just cleaning. She learnt organisational skills, multitasking in a fast-paced environment, and to adapt to different homes and personalities. “Kahle kahle ngifunde ukubekezela nokusebenza nabantu,” [I’ve learnt perseverance, and to work with people]she says with humility.
Policy Perspective
While The City of Johannesburg’s Informal Trading Policy recognises informal work as important, the city’s treatment on the ground contradicts this. As Huuguamze mentioned, street vendors are chased on pavements, and a portion of domestic workers lack social security.
“Officials pretend this is a mysterious sector and they often don’t know what to do, but the needs of these workers are inexpensive, necessary and doable,” says Jane Barret, a retired researcher from Woman in Informal Employment Globalizing and Organizing (WIEGO).
This disconnect between policy and practice mirrors a broader trend. According to a Southern Centre for Inequality Studies (SCIS) report, “policies aimed at formalising and regulating informal trade sometimes clash with the realities on the ground, and ambush traders’ aspirations to earn a reliable income.”
Despite official recognition of their contribution, informal traders still face harassment, insecure trading spaces, and limited inclusion in policy-making processes.
Informal trading in Johannesburg is viewed as a “foreign” activity, which overlooks South Africans in this sector and deepens social divisions driven by xenophobia and exclusion. Foreign nationals in this sector experience harsh treatment daily, while trying to navigate the city as more than just workers, but as outsiders in a constantly unwelcoming environment.
According to an article by Nicola Mawson, published on IOL Business, the informal sector contributes up to 6% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in South Africa.
Despite this contribution, law officials continue treating informal workers as a challenge to be managed rather than assisting the economy. “They won’t solve the problem if they get rid of the people who contribute to a large population of the economy,” says Horn.
During the COVID-19 lockdown, the hustle of informal trading kept Johannesburg alive. Street vendors became the heroes of the pandemic when formal work stopped. Today, spaza shops, markets and street traders are responsible for billions of rands, quietly driving Johannesburg’s economy.
This shows that the informal economy drives local spending, which in turn boosts formal businesses and the city’s overall economy.
Shifting from problems to partners
Johannesburg continues to walk a fine line between inclusion and control of informal trading. “They need to acknowledge the informal economy, creating a safe space for trading,” says Francis.
According to critics like Francis and Horn, shifting away from these restrictions would only strengthen the relationship between traders and the government. “Negotiation should be implemented, that means both sides commit themselves to doing things in agreement with the other party,” adds Horn.
Researchers stress that meaningful development depends on involving informal workers as partners in shaping policies, not just as recipients of it. Recognising their contribution would redefine informality to a sign of economic democracy, then exclusion.
Bridging North and South
As Moyo changes out of her apron, and Huugamaze packs his goods away, it’s clear that survival in the informal economy comes with its challenges and uncertainty.
Johannesburg’s true narrative is not solely captured by its skyscrapers, stock exchanges, and formal economy. It’s equally narrated on the playgrounds of street vendors, waste pickers, and inside well-built homes where informal workers work tirelessly.
Individuals like Huuguamze, and Moyo, represent more than mere survival, they are an important part of the formal system, supporting households, communities and the economy at large, even when they have dreams of their own. “I don’t like that I’m a domestic worker, I feel like I’m just too poor, but I don’t have a choice,” says Moyo, her voice betraying a sense of hopelessness.
Despite their efforts, they “bekezela” [persevere]. Against all odds, their persistent resilience reveals the authentic heartbeat of the city of Johannesburg.
Acknowledging and rewarding informal workers as partners on a larger scale would strengthen Johannesburg’s economy and bridge the gap between policy and practice. This is when the city’s “gold” will truly shine, reflecting formal and informal efforts of those who build it from the ground up.
FEATURED IMAGE: Many immigrants in Johannesburg rely on informal or small-scale businesses to earn a living, facing both opportunity and vulnerability in a challenging economic climate. Photo: Sanele Sithetho/File
Would you sacrifice your sleep for a chance at success? In Johannesburg, this is more than just something to think about—it’s something many people live with every single day.
The culture of constant work and hustling wears down people, especially young workers striving to succeed. This leads to chronic anxiety and exhaustion that is often hidden beneath the surface.
Powerful stories of individuals like street vendor Ausi Nandi Nkosi, Uber driver Siya Zwide, and young professional Lerato Kopano* reveal a side of Johannesburg often left unseen.
What looks like strength on the surface often hides a much more vulnerable reality and values mental health, allowing time for rest, and nurturing genuine human connections.
Yet within South Africa’s own imagination, Egoli — the City of Gold — glows differently. The nostalgia of Johannesburg is embedded in the movies we watch, the songs we sing, the stories we tell. Egoli is a city of wealth, success, and luxury; a place where the promise of building something from nothing feels tangible.
The media has long shaped this image. From soap operas like Generations and Isidingo to films like Kedibone, and in headlines celebrating business moguls and breakout stars, Johannesburg is consistently portrayed as a land of opportunity — a city where every main character has a dream and a reason to fight.
Yet the same media also warns of danger: fast money, fast burnout, and an even faster descent. This contradiction forms the city’s pulse: ambition wrapped in fear. You start to walk faster, keep your shoulders tight, say less, and always stay alert. You build a shield around yourself against everything unknown.
Fear captures one part of the experience, but anxiety may be more precise. Anxiety in Johannesburg doesn’t always show up as panic. At times, it hides behind a hectic schedule and nonstop productivity. It’s the feeling of waking up before the sun even rises, pushing yourself to chase a version of success that might no longer feel real or meaningful.
The city that demands your soul
By 5am in the morning, the streets are already congested with minibuses and delivery vans. At the Bree taxi rank, merchants look for a place for their trade early in the morning. The weak sunlight was barely pushing through a haze of exhaust fumes when I met Ausi Nandi Nkosi. She was dressed in a bright doek (headscarf) and a faded Orlando Pirates T-shirt, already frying vetkoek on a makeshift charcoal stove balanced on bricks.
Nkosi, who is nearly 50 years old, has lived through it all. She left her home in rural Mpumalanga back in the 1990s, carrying nothing but a suitcase and hopes of finding a job. “Sometimes I feel like Johannesburg owes me,” she says, leaning on the wall.
Most of Nkosi’s frustration comes from years of patting dough and folding it into small circles to sell for R2 each. This hustle generates a small turnover in profits, which is not enough to raise two orphaned grandchildren in Johannesburg. Diesel fumes hang heavy in the air, filling her lungs with the scent of both sustenance and struggle. She drops the round dough into the sputtering fat. The vetkoek bubbles and turns golden, like little suns.
Nkosi’s sleep is inconsistent, stolen between shifts at the rank as she stands long hours cooking. She describes a pressing heaviness in her muscles. “Joburg never sleeps,” she says with a laugh. According to Mediclinic research this shows what Nkosi describes as being more than exhaustion — it is a risk factor for mental health issues, which includes persistent fatigue and stress on the body. “When people live in environments that demand constant alertness, it affects cognitive function, emotional regulation, and overall resilience,” said Thembelani Nyathi, a regional counsellor.
Humour and warmth are Nkosi’s tools. She jokes around while handing customer’s change. Neglecting one’s body is a mechanism many use to survive in high-stress environments like Johannesburg.
Joburg demands endurance. And every morning, Nkosi delivers.
The Uber Steering Through Fear and Fatigue
Thirty-four-year-old Siyanda Zwide sits in his grey Suzuki Swift at a petrol forecourt in Braamfontein. He wipes sweat off his brow when his phone buzzes with a map notification – my Uber request to head to Wits Junction. The engine hums softly beneath him, but his mind races ahead – the route, the traffic, streets, people. I get into the car, Zwide starts the trip back to residence, navigating the road and answering my questions.
Zwide’s main business is in construction. Now that he works as an Uber driver, he juggles between being the company manager and making his e-hailing trips. “I took the car on instalment in 2017; these cars usually pay for themselves [referring to instalment cars e-hailing drivers take to start their business],” he says.
Zwide complains about the rise in fuel prices as he is receiving low fares on Uber, which consequently makes him struggle to raise the vehicles R8,000 monthly instalment. Zwide is left pressed working two jobs daily, without any breaks. He sacrifices sleep and family time to meet the monthly costs of living.
When asked about the safety of driving in Johannesburg. His grip on the steering wheel tightens and his knuckles whiten. Every stoplight, every junction, every pedestrian trigger calculation. “Drivers get robbed and killed,” he says, “That is why I only drive during the day.”
That vigilance, “always looking over your shoulder,” is a hallmark of chronic anxiety, says Councillor Nyathi. “Chronic anxiety often shows as hypervigilance — constantly scanning your environment, anticipating threats, even small ones. It’s exhausting for the nervous system, and in a city like Joburg, it’s almost a learned survival mechanism.”
There is evident fear threaded through Zwide gestures: the way he checks rearview mirrors twice, the way his hands hover over the steering wheel even when parked, the way he tilts his head at every approaching car. Psychologists call this hyper-vigilance, a symptom of chronic anxiety triggered by repeated exposure to real and perceived threats. In Gauteng e-hailing drivers have been victims of crime on duty and passengers have also been killed or robbed in e-hailing services.
Every pick-up comes with a silent prayer: that you arrive safely, that no one’s aggression finds you, that the city’s hustle doesn’t sweep you into harm. The dashboard light flickers across his face; the road stretches ahead. Deliveries, taxis, pedestrians… Jozi moves with an energy both intoxicating and intimidating. “People outside the city don’t understand,” he says. “Everyone here is scared. We live with the fear and the rush.” It is reflected in the slight tremor of his hands, the exhaled breath only when stopped, the continuous scan of his mirrors. The psychological toll of balancing two jobs with real danger and emotional labour is quiet, almost invisible, yet it breathes in the tension in his back, the rigidity of his shoulders, the measured patience behind his smile could fool you.
When night falls, Johannesburg does not fold into sleep — it rewires. The city’s drive only changes gear: neon signs replace the sun, late deliveries replace early deadlines, and the day’s tension moves into bars, clubs and kitchen tables. The noise softens but the pressure stays. Here, hunger for success takes a different shape: culture, connection, a reclaiming of time that daytime steals.
At the KFC on the corner of De Korte and Biccard, the fryer’s bright red light throws everyone into a small, shared glow. The place smells of salt and oil and spilled cola; the chairs squeak under bodies that have been sitting too long. I run into Lerato Kopano sitting at a corner table. The 21-year-old remote executive assistant exudes confidence, but one that wraps around thinly veiled fatigue. She balances a phone, a bag and a laugh that arrives like a practiced line.
“My life is measured in deadlines, not days,” she says, adjusting the strap of her bag. She jokes about Jozi: “You have to act like you own it.” Her LinkedIn profile is immaculate; her CV rehearsed; her Instagram curated evidence of survival and success. But when she speaks of clients and late-night calls, her fingers drum the table — a small rhythm of counting the time she has left to herself. At one point she scrolls to a photo on her phone, taps it, and reads aloud a quote printed on her wall: “Be the person you need to be.” It is part instruction, part armour.
Around the table the talk is practical — near-misses with rideshares, cruel clients, the tiny humiliations of contract work — and then it softens into something else: confessions, jokes that fold into real, raw sentences. We laugh; someone cries quietly into a napkin. These post-shift gatherings are therapy by improvisation: a circle of witnesses who say, without medical words, you are not crazy; living here is hard. In a city where formal mental-health help is difficult and stigma is stiff; these pockets of honest venting keep people afloat.
Lerato keeps a stack of printed quotes on her wall — Bible verses slipped in by a friend, motivational lines she pins to mornings she needs to meet. “If I’m feeling off, I Google a quote,” she says, almost apologetic. “Sometimes a verse shows up in my chat from a friend and it’s like someone handed me a cup of water.” The ritual is small but steady: words as scaffolding, optimism as habit. This pattern is a constructed persona, the performative quotes, the collective venting sessions is more than being Gen Z. It is a set of coping moves for a city that demands nonstop performance. According to the South African Depression and Anxiety Group (SADAG), Joburg ranks among the country’s most stressed cities. Long hours, high unemployment, crime, and cost of living all blur into a perfect storm.
Psychologically, you see this in tiny ways: the rehearsal of confidence (masking), the rapid shifts between humour and seriousness (emotional regulation), the use of mini-rituals —quotations, verses, group venting — to patch up the frayed edges of the day. They’re coping strategies. They’re also indicative of distress when they become the only ways of mending. Sleep gets squeezed in, rumination goes late, and hope is calibrated towards the promotion that comes as the definition of success.
The Mask of Success
We met in Sandton at one of those minimalistic aesthetic cafés, where success seems to show off. The kind of place with comfy velvet chairs and the perfect amount of light, surrounded by people who wear productivity like it’s a signature scent. Monique Gey van Pittius makes her way in five minutes early with a laptop bag slung over her shoulder and phone in hand. She moves with purpose — not hurried. Her gaze remains alert, scanning the room with as if she’s always moving, even when she’s still. Her hair is sleek and her blazer freshly-pressed.
Gey van Pittius is 26-year-old television producer who grew up within the city. Her resume tells a story of rapid progress: assistant, coordinator, senior producer each role arriving faster than the one before, like proof that her climb up the ladder was working. “Joburg gets you where you want to be faster,” she says. “What takes two years in Cape Town? Two months here. Sometimes even two weeks.” She smiles, remembering projects she’s working on — the steady building of a reputation you can see. Those wins mattered. They paid rent, bought security, and opened doors.
But the cracks show in small, sharp moments. When she says, “I had a midlife crisis at twenty-four,” I am amazed at her disarming honesty. It is not just a rhetorical twist. Before she knew it, the career ladder towered before her, the target was far, and her personal life, fortunately not down the drain, but down. She arrived late at important moments, missed weddings. She looked at pictures of friends’ children growing up and suddenly saw that she couldn’t remember being there for their very first steps.
As she stands, she says, “You know what the hardest part is? You can’t even tell when the exhaustion starts to feel normal. It just becomes… you.” Johannesburg rewards velocity. It teaches you that rest is laziness, and stillness is failure. Everyone is sprinting toward a version of stability that keeps moving further away.
Gey van Pittius does not suggest leaving Joburg. She urges people to come and experience the city. “This place will move you,” she says. “It will teach you things you won’t find anywhere else.” But she offers a word of caution. When you come, bring a toolkit with you for example going to therapy even if nothing is wrong. Ambition is important but so is making time to be human. Find a mentor who can guide you and true friendships. And have a plan for recovery in case the fast pace turns into a lifetime sprint.
A quieter verdict
Monique Gey van Pittius thesis [Ed1][Bm2][Bm3] idea is a clever little experiment that tests the values of the city. It involves a simple poll with just one question: Do you love to work, or do you work to love? From the answers, she plans to explore how people define luxury in their lives.
The question she keeps returning to is straightforward, yet powerful. The poll aims to reveal what life feels like when you get to choose your own pace instead of having the city dictate it to you. It’s about understanding the freedom to live on your own terms and what that means to people’s sense of luxury and fulfilment.
For this city to truly become world-class, the way we measure success must change It should not only concern the car you drive or the apartment you live in, or the deals you make. Instead success should be about people’s ability to preserve their health, sustain their relationships, and their mental well-being as they chase their dream.
*Not their real name
FEATURED IMAGE: An Uber vehicle waiting for a pickup near the Wits Arts Museum. Photo: File
Johannesburg is one of Africa’s most culturally diverse cities and home to residents from all corners of the world, making it a global diaspora hub.
From the sound of adhan atop the mosques of Lenasia, to the smells of souvlaki in family-owned restaurants in Edenvale, the bright Chinese arches at the entrance to Chinatown, all the way to the vibrancy of late night salsa socials in the city’s north, Johannesburg is a museum full of global souvenirs.
The city’s relationship with migrants is as old as its inception, influenced by two significant waves of foreign arrivals. Johannesburg was born in the late 19th century after George Harrison’s discovery of gold conglomerate. This prompted the first surge of migration, with an influx of European migrants and Southern African mine labourers to the slowly forming city, with the latter coming from neighbouring regions such as (modern-day) Botswana, Mozambique, Malawi, Angola and Tanzania.
In one section of a United Nations report entitled International Migrants and the City’, Professor’s Karl Beavon, David Bond and Susan Parnell are credited for writing that after the collapse of the apartheid regime, “migrants began to arrive in Johannesburg from virtually every country in Africa and around the world. In a decade, a parochial and insular city in a pariah country was transformed into a jostling, dynamic, cosmopolitan ‘global city’.” This was the second surge. By June 2022, nearly 30 years after the end of apartheid, a city of Johannesburg report revealed that 13% of the city’s residents were born outside of South Africa.
Infographic of City of Johannesburg’s ( COJ ) latest report. Infographic: Sechaba Molete
“What I really like about Johannesburg is the diversity of people and culture. This is the biggest part of the wealth in this country,” says Barbosa Oliveira Junior from Brazil, who moved to Johannesburg in 1996.
Oliveira came to Johannesburg from a city called Belo Horizonte to continue his work with a Christian non-profit organisation that works throughout the African continent. Johannesburg has proven to be a place of fulfilment for Oliveira as the city has become a part of his identity.
For me, home is where my relationships are. I feel as comfortable in Johannesburg as I do in Brazil.
Curating a home environment filled with Brazilian music, football games, and Portuguese communication is how Barbosa enculturates his South African-born children.
Infographic outlining Johannesburg’s 2 main waves of migration. Infographic: Sechaba Molete
Johannesburg: The City of Dreams
Johannesburg is still deemed to be a city of realised dreams and opportunity for many nationals around the world. “I think Joburg is where the money is, because I’ve been to Cape Town and it’s not the same,” says Algerian Barbershop co-owner Hocine Moffat.
In September 2016, Hocine moved to Johannesburg after being invited by his cousin, who had migrated to the city eight years prior. Johannesburg was a city of opportunity for his cousin, and it proved to be the same for him. After less than 10 years of living in Johannesburg, he recently became co-owner of a Mediterranean Barber shop. The indistinguishable difference between his calm and welcoming temperament and the atmosphere of the store is a marker of a non-South African who’s managed to construct a safe and familiar space 9 970 kilometres away from home.
“My dad always raised me to respect everyone and be kind always. Respect is iaqdar, kind is iddaq in my language Tamazight,” says Hocine when asked about how his culture influences his approach to business in the city.
Hocine resides in Johannesburg North, and although the Algerian community in the city is small and spread out, the Algerian national preserves his culture by participating in religious practices and holidays such as Ramadan and Eid.
The fragrant smell of chai glows in Ince Belli teacups, the intermittent cheers of men of different ages and the sound of Turkish comments paint a different picture from Hocine’s experience of community in a foreign city.
“On match days, we go to Otto, it’s a place in Greenside. It’s a very good social environment for us, we chill, we have our tea, and once the game is over, we head back home,” says second-generation immigrant Omer Turkmen.
Algerian Barber , Hocine Moffat tending to one of his customers at his barbershop in Victory Park. Photo: Sechaba Molete
Omer and Alpern Tiris belong to a small but close-knit community of Turkish immigrants in Johannesburg and live in a house with other Turkish men from different families. The house serves as an alternative form of university accommodation funded by the parents of young adult Turkish men in Johannesburg. The purpose of this accommodation arrangement is to provide a conducive space for the young men to live apart from women and observe their religious laws while being a short distance from the city’s two major universities.
“We have set times when we can go out and can’t go out due to religious reasons,” Omer explains. However, because football is an integral part of the Turkish cultural experience, the young men spend a significant portion of their free time connecting with fellow countrymen over a game at Otto Shisa Bar.
The formation of new contemporary culture in Johannesburg
The influence of migrants and their communities in Johannesburg extends far beyond tLatin American-inspired colloquial greeting “Ola”. It can be found in the city’s architecture, restaurants, music scene and entertainment.
The Taste of India restaurant in Parkhurst is run by a 1st generation immigrant family from India. It serves as an example of the influence of foreign cultures in Johannesburg. Photo: Sechaba Molete
From when the sun begins to set on Thursday evening till the early hours of Monday Morning, various bars and restaurants in Johannesburg are transformed into Caribbean, Latin American or Portuguese-speaking African countries. Salsa, Bachata and Kizomba from Cuba, the Dominican Republic and Angola respectively are three different dance styles that have been brought together to form Johannesburg’s SBK (Salsa, Bachata and Kizomba) scene.
“I would describe the SBK scene as a social and interactive party. People meet at these parties and ask each other to dance,” says Paciano Arleandro Sinankwa, owner of the Afro Latin Social.
Various South African and non-South African Joburg residents attend SBK events known as socials, where a dance instructor typically teaches attendees a dance style before leaving them at the mercy of the DJ to explore and experience other dance forms. For instance, the instructor might teach the couples how to Salsa in the beginning, but as the night continues and as the DJ begins to change genres, the couples begin to find themselves deeply enthralled in the world of Kizomba or Bachata. Although Central and Latin American and African migrants brought their dance styles to Johannesburg, they aren’t necessarily the only people keeping it alive in the city of gold. Ritmo La Vida is a South African-owned dance studio in the heart of Randburg that is a testament to the cultural convergence that continually takes place as a result of Joburg’s multicultural atmosphere.
Johannesburg residents at a Kizomba dance class on a Friday night at the Ritmo La Vida Dance Studio in Boskruin. Photo: Sechaba Molete
“Make yourself feel at home,” says the owner, Ali Anderson, as he begins to prepare himself a drink of brandy. Anderson is an interesting character who’s confident yet humble, humorous yet orderly and commanding yet sensitive. He’s racially ambiguous with an Asian name, European surname and the ability to switch South African vernacular languages that can only be explained by him having lived in Johannesburg for a substantial amount of time. Anderson’s paradoxical nature places him in the perfect position to be able to advance Latin culture in Johannesburg without creating an atmosphere that’s reminiscent of colonialism and Africa’s history of idolising foreign cultures.
I like to come here because I understand the music. I lived in Brazil for three years, and it’s very nice to be able to have a bit of Brazil here in South Africa.
“I like it, it feels like cheap travel because South Africans are actually a minority in the Kizomba space,” says Ritmo La Vida student Reabetswe (Rio) Modiba, when asked how he feels about participating in the preservation of non-South African cultures in Johannesburg.
Modiba believes that many Johannesburg residents are inadvertently exposed to and experience the effects and influence of Zouk (another Caribbean genre of music and dance) and Latin culture in their everyday lives without their knowledge.
“I think the biggest thing is people not even knowing that it exists (Zouk). They’ll see it, they’ll like it and not know what it is. My mission is to spread it amongst our people because there are already influences of Zouk. If you listen to Sava’s song Isoka, it has a Zouk beat. You could dance Kizomba to it,” Modiba passionately continues.
For Xola Benya, Ritmo La Vida is more than just a cultural experience. The dance studio is a reminder of his life in Brazil and an opportunity for him to feel part of a global community.
Ritmo La Vida is a piece of home for migrants and the perfect representation of Johannesburg for South Africans.
Racial Dynamics: Apartheid’s legacy impacts the migrant experience
Many of the migrants who spoke to Wits Vuvuzela are either positively or negatively affected by the legacy of Apartheid. For instance, many of their experiences of the city are akin to those of middle-class Johannesburg residents because of their proximity to whiteness. This is one of the main factors that contributes to most of them having positive socio-economic experiences. In an academic paper titled ‘European Immigrants in Johannesburg: Perceptions, Privileges and their Implication for Migrant Experiences’, Professor Terry-Ann Jones and Dr Tamara Last make an interesting observation, that “Europeans are largely absent from South African’s imagined identity of an immigrant”.
Although none of the non-African migrants who spoke to Wits Vuvuzela are European, many of them are white-passing and experience the privileges that come with being white in South Africa. At the same time, many of these ex-pats struggle to make sense of the city’s racial categories, viewing the categories as unnecessary and limiting.
Infographic detaling the findings of professor Jones and researcher Last’s findings. Infographic: Sechaba Molete
“For me, it’s even weird to say ‘black South Africans’ because I didn’t grow up with those labels. In Brazil, it doesn’t matter what the colour of your skin is. What matters is if you’re Brazilian period,” Barbosa says.
Hocine shares the same sentiments as Barbosa and believes that it is unfortunate that many Joburg residents are extremely race conscious.
“Since I’ve been here, it’s still that thing about the skin, which is sad. It mustn’t be like that,” Hocine says with concern.
Hocine’s primary identity lies in him being Berber, which was the predominant ethnic group in North Africa before the Arab conquest of that region. However, because the Berber identity is one that not many Johannesburg residents are familiar with, he identifies as white. Unfortunately for him, this decision has not been able to shield him from the xenophobic reactions and remarks that result from South African Joburg residents learning about his heritage.
“They say, ‘You’re not from South Africa. South Africa is for black people. I’m from Soweto, and if I had a gun right now, I could shoot you right in the face,’” Hocine explains calmly.
The anecdotes and perspectives of the various migrants regarding race and xenophobia serve as evidence that Apartheid’s legacy of hyper race-consciousness and inequality play a role in the experiences of expats in Johannesburg.
A commitment to Johannesbug
Although migrants in Johannesburg are not immune to the effects of Johannesburg’s service delivery and infrastructural issues, many of them seem to hold the city in high regard.
“I don’t mind staying in Joburg for another 10 years. I had plans in my mind to move overseas, but if that won’t happen, I don’t mind staying here,” says Hocine his barbershop.
Just before Benya leaves and the Ritmo La vida dance class comes to an end, he reflects on his Johannesburg experience as a South African who’s spent most of his life abroad.
“It’s a city of many tales, that’s how I’d put it. It’s incredible because there are not many cities like Joburg. It offers world-class experiences,” he says with a contemplative glare in the distance.
Just like Benya, most of the migrants who spoke to Wits Vuvuzela view Johannesburg’s cultural diversity as the wealth that places it as a world-class African city.
FEATURE IMAGE: An image of buildings and apartments in the heart of Johannesburg, Braamfontein. Photo: Sechaba Molete
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