Wildcat strikes have been outstripping protected strikes for years in South Africa and are only growing more frequent. What does this say about the state of our unions?
When thinking of ‘wildcat strikes’ in South Africa, one particular image comes forth in most people’s minds – Marikana, August 16, 2012, where 34 striking miners were murdered by the police, live on television for all the nation and the world to see.
This does not include the ten other murders that occurred during the strike, all results of the unbearable tensions between differing unions, workers, and the police.
And despite continuous striking for a month after the massacre, the miners still only ended up with a monthly salary of R11 078 – not the R12 500 they began the strike for; that blood was shed for.
Despite this brutal and horrifying example, wildcat strikes have become an even more regular occurrence on the local labour action scene since Marikana.
While they might differ in size, purpose, and action, wildcat strikes are generally defined as sudden, unauthorised strikes undertaken by workers on their own terms. The origin of the term is vague and unidentifiable, but these types of strikes usually reflect the nature of the animal, wildcats: unpredictable, uncontrollable, and vicious.
Under Apartheid, trade unions were exclusively white and not very powerful. With exceptions such as the 1973 Durban strikes, which demonstrated the potential power of a unionized, multiracial labour force, the Apartheid government made sure unions could not exert any political or economic power.
Coming out of Apartheid and into the dawn of democracy, however, unions surged in power and importance, especially in the political realm. Today, around 3.86 million workers in South Africa are union members – still a significant number of people with the ability to wield mass power. In fact, this number has not shifted drastically in the last forty years or so, but the power and influence of trade unions has shrunk drastically, and everyone can feel it.
Data collected by the Casual Workers Advice Office (CWAO) shows a general decline in strike action since 2018. However, in comparison to strike actions between 2009-2013, the rate in recent years has overall been quite high; the most work stoppages in the 2009-2013 period sits at 114 in 2013. So, strike action is still highly prevalent, but statistics show the specific type of strike action being undertaken by workers is changing.
These statistics clearly show that wildcat strikes make up a major part of annual labour action. “Wildcat strikes have outstripped protected strikes for some years now”, says the CWAO, who have diligently reported each strike across South Africa for the last few years.
In 2020, two-thirds of all labour strikes were unauthorized wildcat strikes, and most were driven by what the Department of Employment and Labour (DEL) terms the “community industry”.
Within the community industry, the DEL explained in their 2020 industrial action report that “more strikes were seen from the South African health sector”, as the Covid-19 pandemic crippled a healthcare system that was already burdened by preexisting challenges.
However, the DEL report does not give any reason why these strikes were unprotected. But viewing recent news around trade unions – especially in the service and community industries – it is easy to understand why workers went rogue.
After the shock exposure of corruption at Tembisa hospital and the assassination of whistleblower Babita Deokaran, the Young Nurses Indaba Trade Union (YNITU) placed itself squarely in the corner of disgraced hospital chief, Ashley Mthunzi.
The YNITU was headed by Lerato Mthunzi, the wife of Ashley Mthunzi. She allegedly “hijacked” the union and used it as a mouthpiece to defend her husband from corruption charges, against the will of its members and in contravention of the rules of the union.
If such is the case, it makes sense why unionized workers would doubt their representatives’ commitment to workers issues and take matters into their own hands.
Even ex NUMSA Deputy General Secretary, Karl Cloete, criticised trade unions in South Africa for using the concept of worker-controlled unions as “a mere slogan” to garner votes. Instead of exercising real worker’s power, union leaders remain in control so they “may determine the direction of the union and how their own resources drawn from subscriptions should benefit them.”
Zwelinzima Vavi, general secretary of the South African Federation of Trade Unions (SAFTU), noted in a discussion document that large trade unions have become comfortable with the status quo, due to their inauguration into the democratic political system. That also includes accepting its oppressive, corrupt aspects.
Vavi says that “the ANC’s commitment to austerity measures and neoliberalism worsens every day, [and] yet COSATU keeps on asking workers to vote for the ANC, as part of the defense of the status quo.”
Thus, it seems unsurprising that, out of all the wildcat strikes that occurred in 2023, the second highest proportion were strikes conducted by workers without any union representation or involvement. Most are non-unionized workers who organised themselves.
Nurses who had their contracts abruptly terminated at Jubilee District Hospital in Gauteng last May went on strike outside the hospital. Massive shortages in employees and resources pushed the hospital to the brink, and yet the nurses were kept on contracts via agencies, and not offered full time employment.
While Democratic Nursing Organisation of South Africa (DENOSA) leader, Bongani Mazibuko, said the nurses should reach out to the union for support, DENOSA itself had no part in the wildcat strike – the nurses acted of their own volition.
With news of YNITU’s woes in the air, who could blame them?
Wildcat strikes organised by workers are the norm in the mining industry in South Africa, where inter-union fighting has dominated the labour scene, often overshadowing worker concerns.
A three-day underground wildcat strike was held by over 2000 miners last December at Impala Platinum Mine in Rustenburg. Fed up with tax deductions on their bonuses and angered over a cage accident that claimed 13 lives that November, the miners went ahead with the strike without approval from their union, the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM).
This should seem strange, as NUM is such a powerful union. Three of NUM’s past general secretaries have held important political positions in South Africa. One is even the president today – Cyril Ramaphosa.
And yet, Ramaphosa lives under the shadow of his role in Marikana. Families of the murdered miners hold Ramaphosa liable for their deaths, which even the High Court has acknowledged could be true.
So, perhaps it is precisely because of the bloody memory of Marikana that workers choose to embark on wildcat strikes. Workers will always need representation, especially in a society as unequal and in an economy as dire as South Africa’s.
But if workers feel that their trade unions are not on their side, it must be expected that they will stand on their own.
FEATURED IMAGE: Workers marching to end pay freeze in Cape Town, October 2021. Photo: Ashraf Hendrickfor Ground Up.
The true meaning of Worker’s Day goes beyond the public holiday.
As the sun rises over Johannesburg, the morning rush hour begins in earnest. Cars, taxis, and buses fill the roads, and pedestrians hurry to get to work on time. In the chaos, drivers often forget about the rules of the road.
Amidst this hustle and bustle, it is easy to overlook the privilege and ability an individual has to go to work based on their skills and qualifications, not their skin colour or gender.
On Worker’s Day, May 1, we remember the struggles of those who fought for us as South Africans, and others across the world, to work in inclusive, merit-based spaces,
As a student pursuing a career in journalism, I find it important to remember the tireless struggles of workers who fought for fair labour practices, equal rights, and social justice in the workplace.
I am filled with gratitude for pioneers like Emma Mashinini, former trade unionist and political activist, who became active within the African National Congress in 1956 and later founded the South African Commercial, Catering and Allied Workers Union. Or Jay Naidoo, the founding general secretary of the Congress of South African Trade unions, who spearheaded the 1950s worker’s strikes, demanding fair wages, better working conditions, and an end to discrimination.
While Worker’s Day commemorates the struggles and celebrated triumphs of the labour movement, it is a sad irony that many South Africans find themselves outside of the formal workforce. According to the latest data from Statistics South Africa’s Quarterly Labour Force Survey, approximately 1 in every 3 people in South Africa are unemployed, as the unemployment rate stands at 32,1%.
A sketch showing that skills and qualifications know no race or gender. Drawing: Katlego Mtshali
Despite the progress made in securing fair labour and equal opportunities, the reality is that South Africans face significant barriers to entering the workforce, including the lack of education, skills, and access to resources and networks.
As someone who hopes to enter the journalism workforce soon, I fear that my qualifications and skills may not be compensated with a fair salary, that my voice may not be heard, and ultimately, that my contributions may not matter.
Moreover, the journalism field comes with its own set of hurdles such as intimidation, lack of resources and the pursuit of truth in a rapidly changing media landscape.
That is why I have also started a side hustle as a makeup artist- because jobs are not guaranteed, and I want to be prepared. This also means I have to juggle both my schoolwork and longer hours of work if I have more than one client in a day, on weekends.
However, I am also excited about the future of work in South Africa. Our generation has the power to push boundaries, challenge the status quo, and advocate for a better tomorrow. During the #RhodesMustFall and #FeesMustFall protests, our generation proved to be like the generations that fought our collective freedom before democracy, they stood up against injustices and fought for equal rights, access to education and economic opportunities.
This Worker’s Day, I honour the past, celebrate the present, and eagerly anticipate the future-a future built on the foundations of solidarity, equality, and justice for all. I am proud to be part of a generation that will continue to shape the future of work in South Africa, and I am committed to using my skills and experience to make a positive impact.
Union members have said that they are willing to strike if negotiations with Wits management continue to stall.
Workers have threatened to strike less than two weeks before the academic year is set to begin, following stalled negotiations for salary increases and improved working conditions.
At a joint union members meeting on Tuesday, January 22, at the Great Hall, workers were up in arms after discovering that the concessions made with Wits management were far below their expectations.
In attendance were academics, administrative staff and supporting staffs from the various unions, mainly Academic Staff Association of Wits University (Asawu), the Admin Library and Technical Staff Association, the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa and the National Health, Education and Allied Workers Union.
The unions had met with management earlier in the day to discuss the demands of the workers but the negotiations remained deadlocked following a year of discussions between the concerned parties.
Workers were demanding a 9% increase across the board, but the University’s offer was 6.5% to 7% across different payment grades, according to Asawu president Anthony Stacey.
A professor at the Wits Business School, Stacey told Wits Vuvuzela that the concessions made by the university, which included the granting of 20 days paid leave for staff and a minimised taxation rate on staff’s 13th cheque, were not enough to satisfy the unions.
“We’ve got agreements on a few things. We’ve worked very hard in the last two months to get a working relationship.
“I’m afraid the last few days I’m less optimistic though. Now we’re starting to talk hard numbers, hard details and the collaboration from management doesn’t seem to be coming through,” Stacey said.
Several proposals have been made by both the labour unions and representatives of the University’s management in regards to 2019 salary increases, benefits and other terms and conditions of employment.
“The parties continue to negotiate in good faith with a view towards reaching amicable resolutions on the outstanding issues. As a result of the ongoing negotiations, salary adjustments for January 2019 will not be implemented, except for employees on Grades 16 and 17 where an agreement was reached in 2018,” read a joint statement released by the Bargaining Forum on Wednesday, January 23.
Altsa president Ricardo Sao Joao says that a strike could happen if there is no agreement with management.
“At this point in time, I would say a strike is very likely based on the mandate we just received. I think that the general consensus is that staff are tired in many ways of being misused and abused and, ultimately, want to share in the wealth of the university,” he told Wits Vuvuzela.
Stacey, who is one of the union negotiators, was sceptical about the progress of the negotiations thus far and affirmed that the workers would be united if the call to strike was made by the majority.
“We are happy about the fact that we got agreement on a few of the issues but they are very minor. They are not substantive. I think there’s a wide variety of opinions amongst the union membership. So I think our job as leadership is to see how much progress we can make. However, if it needs to go to a power struggle, we’ll have to lead them.”
Other worker demands include bursaries for staff to study, increased night shift allowances, a R1200 housing subsidy and medical aid support. Negotiations continue.
FEATURED IMAGE: Union members congregate outside Great Hall to discuss progress of salary negotiations Photo: Tshego Mokgabudi
Members from the unions ALTSA, ASAWU and NEHAWU gathered outside the Great Hall Steps at 12pm to protest the break down in wage negotiations with Wits Council. Photo by Jay Caboz
Wits Administration, Library and Technical Staff Association (ALTSA) leadership accepted the terms offered by Wits management after last-minute negotiations last night but failed to inform some of their members of this decision. This left the Academic Staff Association of Wits University (ASAWU) and the National Education, Health and Allied Workers’ Union (NEHAWU) to strike by themselves today August 28 against Wits management.
This morning confused ALTSA members arrived at the picketing lines, unaware that their leaders had accepted an agreement with Wits management the night before. Some were confused and frustrated when they found out.
This is the second strike by the academic unions this month. They are demanding an increase in salaries for workers, an agreement to structure salaries around the 75th percentile, resolve issues with parking and provide a childcare facility for workers among other issues.
Ian Walters, and ALTSA member and an administrator in the Wits School of Arts, was unaware that ALTSA had backed out of the strike, and only found out when he arrived at campus in the morning.
“I’m staying on strike because I’m in support of NEHAWU and ASAWU. That was the original idea,” said Walters.
Adele Underhay, the president of ALTSA, was unavailable for comment, and some members of the union also couldn’t reach her.
David Dickinson, president of ASAWU said it was regrettable that ALTSA leaders had chosen to break ranks. “I respect the independence as a union and the decision of their leadership is what they must account for to their membership” Dickinson said.
Negotiations between the Wits Executive Council and ASAWU, ALTSA and NEHAWU was re-opened a day before the strike. Photo by Jay Caboz
The Wits Senate (the academic leadership forum) made a call to halt the striking unions “without further delay”. Photo by Jay Caboz
Fellow ALTSA members expressed their disappointment in their leadership’s acceptance of management’s offers. Barbie Pickering from the finance faculty said she didn’t know about their union pulling out at the eleventh hour and they only received the e-mail this morning.
“We went into this thing to support all the unions. We are not happy with our union leadership on that,” said Pickering.
The rally, which started at noon, had speakers that reiterated the unions’ demands. Carl Beaumont, an ASAWU member, congratulated the ALTSA members who turned up at the rally while fellow strikers applauded the group.
The Student Representation Council and the Wits Workers Solidarity Committee again pledged their support for the striking unions.
The final word from Beaumont was that the unions are prepared to strike again if their demands are not properly discussed and considered during negotiations. nandi@witsvuvuzela.com lisa@witsvuvuzela.com
Wits academics have declared a dispute with management, accusing it of imposing a wage settlement and trivialising their concerns.
“We find it very discouraging that management can completely ignore our role in negotiating, and merely impose a settlement. It speaks of arrogance and disdain,” said Advocate Liz Picarra, vice president of the Academic Staff Association of Wits University (Asawu).
Management rejected Asawu’s proposed salary increase, which would have cost the university about R60m to implement.
“Asawu demanded increases which the university could certainly not afford,” said Professor Patrick Fitzgerald, deputy vice chancellor: finance and operations.
Academics received an 8% increase in July, after the Administration, Library and Technical Staff Association (Altsa) and the National Education, Health and Allied Workers’ Union (Nehawu) , two unions representing support staff, signed a wage agreement.
“This year’s increases are significantly above inflation and Wits staff has consistently received above inflation increases for a number of years,” said Fitzgerald.
However, Asawu has requested access to the Wits financial system to verify the claim that Wits cannot afford the increase, referring the matter to the Labour Court after management failed to comply with an order granted by the CCMA instructing Wits to provide Asawu with financial information.
Earlier this year Asawu used the Promotion of Access to Information Act to take Wits to the CCMA, forcing management to release figures relating to their salaries. This data was published on Asawu’s website and revealed that female academics are earning between 2 and 5.6% less than male academics across all grades.
Fitzgerald is adamant that there is no gender discrimination at Wits.
“In terms of our values and policies the university does not discriminate in regard to gender, race, sexual orientation, religious belief or non-belief, or any similar category. However, the university is certainly open to further discussion, investigation and debate in terms of how diversity matters can be better managed in our particular context,” he said.
Asawu is refusing to back down on this issue. “We are determined to pursue all avenues to address the gender discrimination, be it institutional culture or salary related, especially in the face of management’s blunt refusal to address this issue,” said Picarra.
Picarra also said they will continue seeking legal recourse to achieve their objectives.
“Management’s arrogant and obstructionist attitude has given us no choice but to pursue these avenues – their imposition of the increase and refusal to engage with our other issues in the negotiation process is indicative of their disregard for our role as a representative union and their utter disdain for academics’ concerns,” she said.
Fitzgerald said it is Asawu’s democratic right to follow this route. “Whether Asawu actually needs to do so is entirely another matter.”
“In terms of our values and policies the university does not discriminate in regard to gender, race, sexual orientation, religious belief or non-belief, or any similar category. However, the university is certainly open to further discussion, investigation and debate in terms of how diversity matters can be better managed in our particular context,” he said.
Asawu is refusing to back down on this issue. “We are determined to pursue all avenues to address the gender discrimination, be it institutional culture or salary related, especially in the face of management’s blunt refusal to address this issue,” said Picarra.
Picarra also said they will continue seeking legal recourse to achieve their objectives.
“Management’s arrogant and obstructionist attitude has given us no choice but to pursue these avenues – their imposition of the increase and refusal to engage with our other issues in the negotiation process is indicative of their disregard for our role as a representative union and their utter disdain for academics’ concerns,” she said.
Fitzgerald said it is Asawu’s democratic right to follow this route. “Whether Asawu actually needs to do so is entirely another matter.”
In this episode, we explore the feasibility of social housing for students, and the advantages and disadvantages that the inner city offers to the development of a student precinct.
