The right to food is enshrined in the South African Constitution, yet millions of people are still food insecure. In Jo’burg, hunger does not manifest evenly– it is a consequence of inequality, the ghost that haunts this metropolis.
Johannesburg has always been a city of extremes. It was never intended to be an equal city and today it still tears at the seams trying to accommodate the two extreme ends of the economic spectrum – and all the people who fall in between.
As a city that contains such a wide array of lifestyles, from the moneyed elite to people just scraping by, our culture reflects a swathe of differences, all with their own traditions, values and tastes. Nowhere is this more evident than in our food.
Perhaps this is why Jo’burg was voted the second-best city in the world for food in May 2024. There is a wealth of restaurants in Jo’burg that display the city’s diversity with their creative and delectable cuisine.
Time Out, which bestowed Jo’burg with this ranking, gave special mention to Braamfontein, ‘the pulse of the city’, for its food. Time Out recognised the ‘innovative ventures combining the forces of food and culture’ in the area.
Indeed, Braam has an abundance of phenomenal places to eat. But the award does not acknowledge that this is not the Braam most people experience.
For most South Africans, food is a tool of survival, not something to be savoured. For 63.5% of South African families, food insecurity is an everyday struggle.
In the four square kilometers of Braamfontein, the city’s vast gap between rich and poor is quite clear in the pervasive food inequality.
How is it that being able to eat is still a major hurdle for people living in the city – even for those living around a prestigious university and in a gentrified urban area?
The many faces of Braamfontein: the suburb as a case study
Braamfontein is a stellar example of the past 30 years of democracy distilled into one place. In the late ’90s, Braam was run down and tired, neglected in the face of all the overwhelming reworking that needed to be done by the new government.
But in 2002, the Johannesburg Development Agency embarked on a multimillion-rand regeneration programme for Braam, recognising its importance to Jo’burg as an economic hub.
Since then, Braam has bloomed: R4-billion of private investment has been poured into the area, and it has become the place to be for many young professionals with cash to burn.
To many Jo’burgers today, Braam is synonymous with trendy bars, beautiful street art and, of course, delicious food.
But Braam is so representative of post-apartheid South Africa because this change, although real, is limited – and only certain people get to bask in its glow.
On the outskirts of this shiny, new Braam, struggling students and residents still live – and still need to eat. What they have access to reflects dire levels of food insecurity and the unequal nature of access to food in South Africa.
The award-winning Salvation Cafe, and the sophisticated Olives & Plates both sit within Braam’s perimeters, small enclaves of cosmopolitan cuisine that in no way align with the average Braam resident’s wallet.
Around the corner and over the way are the everyday food spots that Braam residents actually frequent: fast-food joints, spaza shops and feeding schemes.
These are the many faces of Braamfontein, all painting a picture of the complex and devastating way that food accessibility still stands as a major marker of inequality, starkly segregating South Africans even today.
One of Braam’s most visited food spots – the Mcdonald’s on Jorissen. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
Where convenience trumps all – your average spaza shop near Wits University. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
School kids stop for something to eat at one of the spaza shops in Braam. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
Savouring the city
Remko van Niekerk is the co-owner of Salvation Cafe, which was established in 2006.
Salvation Cafe is nestled in the heart of 44 Stanley, among boutique stores and coffee shops. Van Niekerk calls it “an artisanal destination” – a place where people’s creations, including food creations, are treated like art.
As he sees it, “44 Stanley has mostly remained an oasis in the urban jungle of Jozi”, despite the changes in the area.
The café is a popular brunch spot under the cover of trees, surrounded by hanging pot plants, and complete with an outdoor fountain. Everything about it is meant to attract patrons from Westcliff and other affluent Northern suburbs.
Salvation Cafe sign. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
A full house at Salvation Cafe, Braamfontein Werf. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
Elevenses at Salvation Cafe, featuring their iconic salmon eggs benedict. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
Although Van Niekerk says gentrification has increased in the area, he and his staff have also had to deal with the infrastructure issues that plague Braam, like power and water outages.
To combat such expenses while still maintaining a profit, he says the restaurant’s “prices will just have to keep going up”, particularly given the need to pay for alternative energy sources like generators.
On top of this, Van Niekerk’s boss (and wife), chef Claudia Giannoccaro, “is not keen on using lower quality ingredients, thus prices will have to go up accordingly”.
Indeed, Salvation Cafe meals are nutritious, fresh and tasty, loaded with greens and healthy carbs. Their prices reflect this. Burgers range between R130 and R150, salads between R90 and R138, and most lunches cost about R118 (unless you want the teriyaki salmon, which is Salon Qualitaire).
A five-minute drive away on the quiet end of the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits) West Campus, Olives & Plates Wits Club and Conference is housed in a Transvaal vernacular building, with a gorgeous courtyard surrounded by rose bushes and, yes, a fountain.
It is run by sisters Litza Frangos and Andria Neophytou and their husbands, Apo and Dimitri.
The owners of Olives & Plates, who declined requests for interviews, have grown their business into a successful chain of restaurants after originally beginning as canteen caterers for Wits staff. The business was shut down during the #FeesMustFall protests, after which the owners decided to take the business in a different direction.
Inspired by the owners’ Greek roots, the restaurant focuses on elevating classic meals like toasted sandwiches and salads while adding a Grecian flair. Lunches here cost between R150 and R200. Expensive fillet steaks seem to be a speciality and are regular menu picks.
Lunch time at Olives&Plates on West campus, Wits University. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
The pristine rose garden at Olives&Plates. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
The indoor decor at Olives&Plates. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
Lunch fare at Olives&Plates. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
But a restaurant that charges R90 for a fruit salad is a bizarre sight on Wits campus, where students have little choice in what they eat and often go hungry.
So, although fresh food is delivered into Braam every day, the fridges of many students in residence sit empty. What this speaks to, and what the statistics reflect, is that food insecurity is clearly not an issue of supply, but an issue of access.
Walking the breadline
If you walk east from Olives & Plates for about 10 minutes, you will reach The Sanctuary, a beautiful white building that is home to the Wits Citizenship and Community Outreach (WCCO) programme. Every week, the WCCO feeds about 1,000 food-insecure students, who must stand in a long queue to receive their daily meal. Three days a week, the WCCO hands out food parcels of basic groceries to students in need.
Karuna Singh, the WCCO manager, says that in five years the organisation went from handing out “20 parcels to 3,000 parcels” every week.
With ever-rising food prices and stagnant grocery budgets, many students need extra help now more than ever. The National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS) grocery budget has increased only 10% (about R150) over the past four years, whereas food prices increased 50% during the same period.
Need far outweighs what the WCCO can provide, and even what it does offer depends on the tenuous supply of charitable donations. In fact, since 2017, the donations the WCCO has received have been halved as companies slowly pull back.
“The food bank is not sustainable; the hot meals are not sustainable,” Singh says. To mitigate this, the WCCO has set up food commons, growing vegetables around campus that give students food sovereignty and sustainable, fresh options.
One of the WCCO’s many mini veggie patches around campus at Wits. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
The Wits communal veggie patch on East Campus. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
The WCCO’s chronically low food stores. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
The WCCO building. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
The students at the food bank are not destitute. Mostly, they are young people skating along the line of functional poverty; children of single parents or oldest children having to send some of their NSFAS money home each month.
Rivaldo Jantjies, a fellow journalism student at Wits, survives each month from the money his mom can send him. “I can only buy essentials, you know – noodles, bread, peanut butter, milk, sugar – the basic things I need to survive.”
“When it got to the point [at which] I no longer had those basic things, I would go to [the] WCCO,” he says.
Walking past students on campus, you might not see it, but “a lot of students are struggling”, Jantjies observes. “The lines [at the WCCO] are always long.”
Kea Maphila, an international relations honours student, spoke to the all-too-common experience of students in desperate situations while awaiting NSFAS funding.
“My first year, I only got approved in September”, she tells me. In the interim, she says her mom ‘was paying for my res and giving me allowance… It wasn’t a nice experience.’
Maphila’s situation was manageable, but for many students this would have been catastrophic.
NSFAS provides a stipend for groceries, which is usually about R1,650, but subject to change. “My budget is around R1,000,” Maphila says, which is “enough for groceries, but only for groceries”.
For Maphila, food insecurity is a consuming force, forcing students to prioritise their basic survival. “It’s stressful not knowing when your next meal is, but you’re supposed to be at class at 8am, concentrating,” she says.
Thoughtfully, she tells me: “It seeps into every area of your life… you can’t go on with the rest of your day. It removes so much integrity from a person.”
Integrity is a major part of food insecurity, particularly in a social environment like a campus; inequality among students is often emphasised by the type of food they can afford.
This leads back to basic economic inequality – which, in South Africa, is a racial issue, due to the enduring effects of apartheid.
Food insecurity does not exist in a vacuum and food inequality does not sit squarely within the confines of Braam. It is a countrywide problem – an unsolved one, despite promises and attempts by the government.
Zooming out: the economics of inequality
If someone is shopping on a monthly NSFAS allowance of R1,650, a South African Social Security Agency (SASSA) pension of R1,280, a monthly domestic worker’s salary of R3,349, or receives the national minimum wage of R,4400 a month, groceries in today’s economy are almost unaffordable.
This is for a basket of 28 items. But for a basket of just nine basic items (maize, margarine, peanut butter, bananas, potatoes, IQF chicken, black tea, sugar and long-life milk) the prices are still egregious.
Low-priced items will always be the first choice for poor people when buying food. Grocery stores are aware of this fact, enticing them to make their own brand of cheaper products for mass sale.
Closely related to the food insecurity and inequality conundrum is the persistent issue of nutrition insecurity. Across these four major grocery chains, the same product, due to their varying product value and price, will ultimately hold different nutritional values.
Woolworths margarine has the clear nutritional edge: it is the most energising and fatty margarine, but not too packed with sodium. It costs R32.99, in comparison to R17.99 at Checkers, the least nutritious option.
A research paper from the DSI-NRF Centre of Excellence in Food Security explains the reason behind this unfair price leveraging. The research team found that “the minimalist stance of the government” regarding grocery price setting has granted food companies free reign, with “big retail chains [emerging] as custodians of standards, dictating what should be supplied, how and in what form”.
This leaves South Africans vulnerable to the whim of these profit-seeking companies, which can and will change their prices at any time.
Compounding the threat of artificial scarcity is food scarcity brought about by general government incompetence.
Although South Africa produces enough food to feed its population, making it one of the most food secure countries in Africa, millions of people cannot eat. Dr Tobias Doyer, chief executive of Grain SA, says this is because “food security stands on two legs” – the security of access to food and the ability to obtain food – which the government has not provided for poor citizens.
“South African farmers produce enough food. The problem is that millions of South Africans have become poorer with less ability to buy food – causing famine,” Doyer says.
Groceries cost more and money buys less. In an unregulated food market and struggling economy, it follows that food insecurity is an offshoot of inequality, the most pervasive problem in South Africa today.
Thirty years into our democracy, our leadership has still not transformed the lives of the poor or addressed wealth inequality in any meaningful way. The fact that food insecurity is on the rise in South Africa is not an environmental problem, a social failing or the side effect of a global crisis. It is a major systematic failure.
FEATURED IMAGE: Signpost outside the WCCO building. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
Wildcat strikes have been outstripping protected strikes for years in South Africa and are only growing more frequent. What does this say about the state of our unions?
When thinking of ‘wildcat strikes’ in South Africa, one particular image comes forth in most people’s minds – Marikana, August 16, 2012, where 34 striking miners were murdered by the police, live on television for all the nation and the world to see.
This does not include the ten other murders that occurred during the strike, all results of the unbearable tensions between differing unions, workers, and the police.
And despite continuous striking for a month after the massacre, the miners still only ended up with a monthly salary of R11 078 – not the R12 500 they began the strike for; that blood was shed for.
Despite this brutal and horrifying example, wildcat strikes have become an even more regular occurrence on the local labour action scene since Marikana.
While they might differ in size, purpose, and action, wildcat strikes are generally defined as sudden, unauthorised strikes undertaken by workers on their own terms. The origin of the term is vague and unidentifiable, but these types of strikes usually reflect the nature of the animal, wildcats: unpredictable, uncontrollable, and vicious.
Under Apartheid, trade unions were exclusively white and not very powerful. With exceptions such as the 1973 Durban strikes, which demonstrated the potential power of a unionized, multiracial labour force, the Apartheid government made sure unions could not exert any political or economic power.
Coming out of Apartheid and into the dawn of democracy, however, unions surged in power and importance, especially in the political realm. Today, around 3.86 million workers in South Africa are union members – still a significant number of people with the ability to wield mass power. In fact, this number has not shifted drastically in the last forty years or so, but the power and influence of trade unions has shrunk drastically, and everyone can feel it.
Data collected by the Casual Workers Advice Office (CWAO) shows a general decline in strike action since 2018. However, in comparison to strike actions between 2009-2013, the rate in recent years has overall been quite high; the most work stoppages in the 2009-2013 period sits at 114 in 2013. So, strike action is still highly prevalent, but statistics show the specific type of strike action being undertaken by workers is changing.
These statistics clearly show that wildcat strikes make up a major part of annual labour action. “Wildcat strikes have outstripped protected strikes for some years now”, says the CWAO, who have diligently reported each strike across South Africa for the last few years.
In 2020, two-thirds of all labour strikes were unauthorized wildcat strikes, and most were driven by what the Department of Employment and Labour (DEL) terms the “community industry”.
Within the community industry, the DEL explained in their 2020 industrial action report that “more strikes were seen from the South African health sector”, as the Covid-19 pandemic crippled a healthcare system that was already burdened by preexisting challenges.
However, the DEL report does not give any reason why these strikes were unprotected. But viewing recent news around trade unions – especially in the service and community industries – it is easy to understand why workers went rogue.
After the shock exposure of corruption at Tembisa hospital and the assassination of whistleblower Babita Deokaran, the Young Nurses Indaba Trade Union (YNITU) placed itself squarely in the corner of disgraced hospital chief, Ashley Mthunzi.
The YNITU was headed by Lerato Mthunzi, the wife of Ashley Mthunzi. She allegedly “hijacked” the union and used it as a mouthpiece to defend her husband from corruption charges, against the will of its members and in contravention of the rules of the union.
If such is the case, it makes sense why unionized workers would doubt their representatives’ commitment to workers issues and take matters into their own hands.
Even ex NUMSA Deputy General Secretary, Karl Cloete, criticised trade unions in South Africa for using the concept of worker-controlled unions as “a mere slogan” to garner votes. Instead of exercising real worker’s power, union leaders remain in control so they “may determine the direction of the union and how their own resources drawn from subscriptions should benefit them.”
Zwelinzima Vavi, general secretary of the South African Federation of Trade Unions (SAFTU), noted in a discussion document that large trade unions have become comfortable with the status quo, due to their inauguration into the democratic political system. That also includes accepting its oppressive, corrupt aspects.
Vavi says that “the ANC’s commitment to austerity measures and neoliberalism worsens every day, [and] yet COSATU keeps on asking workers to vote for the ANC, as part of the defense of the status quo.”
Thus, it seems unsurprising that, out of all the wildcat strikes that occurred in 2023, the second highest proportion were strikes conducted by workers without any union representation or involvement. Most are non-unionized workers who organised themselves.
Nurses who had their contracts abruptly terminated at Jubilee District Hospital in Gauteng last May went on strike outside the hospital. Massive shortages in employees and resources pushed the hospital to the brink, and yet the nurses were kept on contracts via agencies, and not offered full time employment.
While Democratic Nursing Organisation of South Africa (DENOSA) leader, Bongani Mazibuko, said the nurses should reach out to the union for support, DENOSA itself had no part in the wildcat strike – the nurses acted of their own volition.
With news of YNITU’s woes in the air, who could blame them?
Wildcat strikes organised by workers are the norm in the mining industry in South Africa, where inter-union fighting has dominated the labour scene, often overshadowing worker concerns.
A three-day underground wildcat strike was held by over 2000 miners last December at Impala Platinum Mine in Rustenburg. Fed up with tax deductions on their bonuses and angered over a cage accident that claimed 13 lives that November, the miners went ahead with the strike without approval from their union, the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM).
This should seem strange, as NUM is such a powerful union. Three of NUM’s past general secretaries have held important political positions in South Africa. One is even the president today – Cyril Ramaphosa.
And yet, Ramaphosa lives under the shadow of his role in Marikana. Families of the murdered miners hold Ramaphosa liable for their deaths, which even the High Court has acknowledged could be true.
So, perhaps it is precisely because of the bloody memory of Marikana that workers choose to embark on wildcat strikes. Workers will always need representation, especially in a society as unequal and in an economy as dire as South Africa’s.
But if workers feel that their trade unions are not on their side, it must be expected that they will stand on their own.
FEATURED IMAGE: Workers marching to end pay freeze in Cape Town, October 2021. Photo: Ashraf Hendrickfor Ground Up.
The Ahmed Kathrada Foundation, OUTA, and other civil society organizations continue the search for justice for Babita Deokaran’s assassination, while politicians dither and delay.
At a small Baptist church in the suburb of Mondeor, Johannesburg, a crowd gathered on August 23, 2024, to remember Babita Deokaran three years after her assassination.
Babita Deokaran was gunned down in the driveway of her home in 2021, just three weeks after flagging R850 million in irregular payments at Tembisa Hospital. Beyond sentencing the six gunmen who conducted the assassination, no paymaster has been found or charged.
As a result, this remembrance has occurred every year since her murder, as both a support mechanism for her family and a platform to demand justice for Deokaran.
Ahmed Kathrada Foundation Executive director, Neeshan Balton, calls it an “accountability forum”, where Gauteng politicians are invited every year to speak on the progress of the investigation and answer questions the family may have.
Neeshan Balton, Wayne Duvenage, Vuyiswa Ramokgopa, Andy Mothibi, Mark Heywood, and Trene Poragadu. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
Speaking to Wits Vuvuzela, Balton expressed his disappointment at the government’s response to Babita’s assassination. “I don’t even think any senior Gauteng official met with her family”, he said, which the family later confirmed. “The Gauteng provincial government have just been…unconcerned.”
While Balton noted that “the SIU [Special Investigations Unit] have been exemplary” in their continuation of Babita’s corruption investigation, he says that most officials involved in the case have made promises but “kept none of them”.
SIU boss, Adv. Andy Mothibi, came to speak at the event, as he has done every year. He noted that the value of irregular payments has risen from the original R850 million to a staggering R2.2 billion. He confirmed that the “syndicates involved [at Tembisa hospital] are involved in other hospitals” as well – this is far from an isolated incident.
Activist and journalist, Mark Heywood, agreed with Adv. Mothibi’s assessment. “Tembisa hospital is the rule, not the exception”, he said. Corruption syndicates that exploit tender processes like this are everywhere in the Gauteng Health Department.
Gauteng MEC for agriculture and rural development, Vuyiswa Ramokgopa, attended the remembrance not in her political capacity, but as a concerned citizen. She spoke to the “micro-corruptions” that exist in everyday life in South Africa that snowball into massive abuses of power and government corruption.
Babita Deokaran was a woman of integrity, Ramokgopa declared, and integrity is “the willingness to speak truth, even when it is not easy.” Speaking the truth should not cost one their life, however.
While Babita Deokaran died fighting against corruption, and for the constitutional right to healthcare, today there is also a daughter missing her mother; cousins missing their aunt; a home that is less bright.
The family and civil society organizations hope that by August 23, 2025, justice will be served.
FEATURED IMAGE:OUTA members dancing and singing at the remembrance. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
Following the resignation of Kabelo Gwamanda, the African National Congress’s Dada Morero has been elected the mayor of Johannesburg – again.
In a lengthy council meeting at the Metro Centre in Braamfontein on Friday, August 16, Dada Morero was voted in as the newest Mayor of Johannesburg.
This follows the resignation of Al Jama-ah’s Kabelo Gwamanda, who was increasingly unpopular among city residents who were unsatisfied with his leadership.
Morero received 189 votes. His only competition, Democratic Alliance caucus leader Belinda Kayser-Echeozonjoku, garnered 60 votes, well below the necessary 135 votes needed. This will be Morero’s second stint as the city’s mayor. He was in the role for just 25 days in 2022, squished between the two tenures of the DA’s Mpho Phalatse.
Dada Morero with Kabelo Gwamanda and Thapelo Amad. Photo: Kabir Jugram.
Morero will be Joburg’s fifth Mayor since the 2021 local government elections. The rotating door of mayors has been detrimental to the governance of the city, stalling crucial infrastructure and repair projects.
Since the 2021 local government elections, the opening of a R588-million Forensic Pathology Services lab has been pushed back and delayed numerous times. The last deadline set, June 30, 2024, has also been missed.
Nonetheless, in his acceptance speech, Morero promised Joburg will become a “construction site” and a place of growth after years of neglect and mismanagement.
Morero ended his speech by announcing his lineup of mayoral committee members, surprisingly including Speaker of the House, Margaret Arnolds. She has resigned from her position to take up her new office as MMC of Group Finance.
The only other change made was the appointment of ex-Mayor Kabelo Gwamanda as the new MMC of Community Development.
Morero seemed certain in his speech that his tenure as Mayor would last until 2026, when the next local government elections will occur. While a hopeful message and certainly one reflective of Morero’s positive attitude, the statistics on Joburg Mayors do not inspire confidence.
FEATURED IMAGE: Dada Morero giving his inauguration speech.Photo: Kabir Jugram.
Hundreds of people embodied the punk spirit of resistance and freedom by supporting a Pro-Palestine fundraiser at the Zoo Lake Bowls Club last weekend.
In a unique and inspiring collaboration, the Joburg punk and metal scene teamed up with Gift of the Givers to host a live music event supporting Palestine on August 11, 2024.
Organized by Motel Studios alongside Gift of the Givers, the event featured a lineup of brazen and bold bands who are regulars in the punk music scene.
Run by Jesse Elk and Lucas Cowling, Motel Studios is a homegrown music studio founded by two established musicians.
“As young artists and musicians we [have] an opportunity to use our platforms for something positive and meaningful” the co-founders said.
Radio Islam helped them link up with Gift of the Givers, and together the two made magic. A table selling Palestine merch stood at the entrance, always attracting a crowd. At the ticket stand, custom ‘Free Palestine’ shirts sold out within a few hours, and attendees could already be seen wearing them.
On the lineup were four excellent bands: Zondo Commission, Buru Azeban, Lerato Orchestral Collective (LOC), and Sextape.
Lerato Orchestral Collective. Photo: Ruby DelahuntAttendee Kyle Cantrell. Photo: Ruby DelahuntPalestine merch on sale. Photo: Ruby Delahunt
The bands were excellent at keeping the audience focused on the serious purpose of the event, whilst also maintaining the punk spirit of anarchy and chaos. Lots of moshpits were formed, with punks pushing and shoving each other with glee.
One of the attendees, Kyle Cantrell, thought it was the perfect crossover. “Punks are the kindest, most passionate people I’ve come across”, they said. “We refuse to accept what is happening, and we will party and march and do anything and everything in our power to make a change”.
Even those outside of the punk scene who attended in solidarity with Palestine were impressed. Ameerah Nassiep noted that nearly all the other pro-Palestine events she had attended “were more catered to families”, but she was still enthusiastic about the event and its success.
Olivia Hawes, another newcomer to the scene, said “It was so fun to see a circle that I don’t have much interaction with”.
In many ways, the event was just as much about introducing the vibrant and creative music scene to a new audience as it was about showing solidarity with Palestine.
LOC was a personal highlight, largely for the lead vocalist’s sheer energy and upbeat spirit. The band got everyone clapping, stomping, headbanging and full-on moshing. For an event with such a solemn and grave purpose, everyone left with grins on their faces.
This was Motel Studios’ aim all along. Rather than feeling defeated and helpless in the face of the devastating war on Gaza, they wanted to focus on how “we are all capable of making a difference, even if it is small. We aren’t powerless or insignificant.” They were certainly proven right.
FEATURED IMAGE: People gathered at the Punks for Palestine event at the Zoo Lake Bowls Club. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
Many of South Africa’s World Heritage Sites are archaeological treasures. Recently, UNESCO named 14 new Heritage sites, recognising SA’s contribution to the struggle for human rights, liberation and reconciliation.
Gauteng’s cityscapes and townships are finally getting the recognition they deserve for their role in human history after UNESCO announced a new series of World Heritage Sites.
A serial of properties representing South Africa’s liberation movement, the Nelson Mandela Legacy Sites, pinpoint the major locations that featured in the struggle and the lives of its most influential figures.
No province displays this history better than Gauteng, where eight of the fourteen sites are located.
Places like Constitution Hill and the Union Buildings have been named world heritage sites, a far cry from the well-known ones like the Drakensberg Mountains or the Cape Floral Region, recognized for their ancient history and rare beauty.
Isolation Cells at Number Four, Constitution Hill. Photo: Ruby DelahuntThe Old Fort, Constitution Hill. Photo: Ruby DelahuntWatch tower at Number Four, Constitution Hill. Photo: Ruby Delahunt
Of South Africa’s 12 World Heritage Sites, Robben Island is the only other site from modern history that qualified under Criterion vi – to be associated with events, ideas, creations or beliefs of outstanding universal significance.
And while Robben Island does indeed symbolize the indomitable human spirit and dedication to freedom, the new Nelson Mandela Legacy Sites display a less isolated, more communal type of triumph and liberation. These new locations are not museums, but living, breathing places.
One of the sites, simply named “16 June 1976 – The Streets of Orlando West” includes long stretches of roads in the township, chosen not for any specific incident that took place but for the spirit of defiance and bravery that arose from this area.
This Heritage Site is not a protected spot of natural value, but a celebration of the distinctive humanity displayed at this site during the 1976 uprisings.
Smack-bang in the middle of Joburg, Constitution Hill is a great example of how universal human history also exists in bustling, vibrant places, not just in ruins or rainforests.
In Sharpeville, the four sites making up the Heritage site there are nestled between spaza shops and sports bars. One of them, the Sharpeville police station, is today the Kitso Information Development Centre, a hive of activity which includes a feeding scheme and computer and life skills courses.
Gauteng has approximately 16-million residents, most of whom live in urban areas. The declaration of these UNESCO Heritage Sites displays how we live alongside our history, and in doing so keep it alive.
To see the full list of the UNESCO Nelson Mandela Heritage Sites, check out a Google Maps list of them here.
FEATURED IMAGE: The Old Fort, Constitution Hill. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
The recent revival of dance-pop and clubbing music is reminiscent of the 2010’s ‘recession pop’ era, recent social media buzz seems to suggest. Could this mean another economic recession is on the horizon?
Between 2008 and 2009, The Great Recession rocked the global economy, plunging millions into unemployment, poverty, and homelessness. The South African economy plummeted from a high growth rate of over 5% in 2007 to a negative growth rate of -1.5% in 2009.
Also between 2008 and 2009, songs like Flo Rida’s “Low”, Lady Gaga’s “Just Dance”, and The Black Eyed Peas’ “I Gotta Feeling” topped the billboard charts.
These songs which centered around going out, spending money, getting drunk, and generally forgetting about one’s woes, became known as recession pop.
The fast and hard beats, catchy hooks, and upbeat lyrics coloured this period of economic difficulty with a rosy shade of optimism.
Now in 2024, pop music is sounding a whole lot like it did in the late 2000s; from Charli XCX’s “365 party girl album”, Brat, to the return of wild- child Kesha on “Joyride”, to Chapell Roan, Camila Cabello, Kim Petras and countless others. Fun music to dance the night away to is back in a big way.
But does this return of recession pop signal a global economic recession around the corner?
The internet certainly seems to think so, and the facts do not necessarily contradict this idea.
Across the globe, and certainly here in South Africa, the cost of living is pushing many working and middle-class families to the brink. The South African economy only barely escaped a technical recession at the end of last year.
Elsewhere in the world, the situation is just as grim. The United States just hit its highest rate of homelessness since 2007, and the number of children living in poverty in Britain is almost 1 in 3.
Economists Harry Dent and David Rosenberg are concerned by how similar the stock market is looking to its pre-Great Recession state, and even predict a possible 2025 market crash.
So, it isn’t impossible to say this resurgence of pop-y, ‘dance-your-worries-away’ music is related to the flailing economy. What audiences want and what musicians release are interdependent phenomena, and if the people want to let loose and dance, the music will follow. It just remains to be seen whether a real recession will come along to cement this new wave as a real incidence of recession pop.
FEATURED IMAGE: Brat album by Charli XCX over a pile of bills. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
South Africa is proud of its hard-won democracy – and yet some South African citizens would dispense with it, in exchange for better services. Can a state be called a democracy if no one believes in it?
In many nations worldwide, democracy is the only game in town. So entrenched are democratic values in their systems that it seems impossible to consider an alternate form of government.
And yet in South Africa, a relatively young democracy, 72% of citizens would be willing to forgo elections if a non-elected government could provide employment, housing, and security.
Unemployment, followed by crime, electricity, water supply, and corruption are considered the most pressing issues facing South Africans – all of which have been promised to be fixed, but not delivered on for the last thirty years.
People are clearly drawing a link between failing public services and the (dis)functionality of democracy. This is amplified by the fact that, according to the same Afrobarometer survey, 63% of South Africans do not feel close to any political party.
According to these facts, most South Africans do not feel represented by their politicians, nor do they feel served by them. This is unsurprising to anyone who has been paying attention to local politics in the last few years.
In the 2024 national elections, South Africans showed their disillusionment with democracy, with over 11 million voters not bothering to vote and an all-time low voter turnout. These sad statistics point to a decline in the belief that voting makes any difference.
I can’t fault anyone for assuming the democratic system is the issue. One of the supposedly most democratic countries on earth, The United States, consistently silences the voices of its citizens by manipulating voter districts, filibustering the senate to stall popular bills being passed, and allowing Super PACS to fund election campaigns with dark money.
How can anyone be expected to believe in democracy if this is one of its most ‘prime’ examples?
While I’m aware of our democratic government’s numerous failings, I still believe in democracy. This is because what most people understand democracy to be is a watered down, exploited version of its true form.
Many liberal democracies today are bogged down by bureaucratic processes and swayed by the power of corporate interests. These systems, with their dysfunctionality and inequality, should not be looked to as examples of ‘real’ democracy.
According to Helende Landemore, real democracy—democracy that actually delivers on its aims—emerges by bringing popular deliberation and crowd wisdom into the political realm. It only functions through popular participation, and is fashioned by the majority, not from the top-down.
In an unequal country such as South Africa, ‘real’ democracy then faces the hurdle of an all-powerful minority and a disenfranchised majority. However, this sort of democracy does exist on the outer edges of our society, in grassroots organizations and local politics.
In his book, Amakomiti: Grassroots Democracy in South African Shack Settlements, Trevor Ngwane sheds light on the direct, non-hierarchical forms of democracy that exist in shack settlements across the country.
Community groups come together to provide for and defend their members, become self-sufficient, and focus on social development on their own terms. Ngwane calls this “democracy on the margins,” but emphasizes it could come to serve all of us in society.
Would more South Africans believe in democracy if ours functioned differently? I certainly hope so. It is South Africa’s overall lack of development that gives democracy a bad name, not the system itself.
So, while South Africa and other countries continue to call themselves true democracies, it is imperative to remember that some democracies are more equal than others, and that only we should ever hold the power to decide our futures.
FEATURED IMAGE: Ruby Delahunt. Photo: Leon Sadiki.
The local punk, rock, and metal scenes are bursting with talent, and international artists are beginning to take notice.
The suburb of Melville in Johannesburg is always buzzing and lively on weekends, drawing crowds from all corners of the city. On Friday, May 17, 2024, Melville was overtaken by punks and metalheads in crust pants and spikes, all coming to see the coolest show of the weekend, headlined by Matrak Attakk.
Matrak Attakk is a self-described ‘anarcha-feminist crust band’ (translation: really cool), hailing from Europe, but they fit right in at Smoking Kills, a beloved dive bar that sits at the heart of the local underground music scene. For as long as the bar has been open, it has been hosting up-and-coming bands of the hardcore sort, giving them a space to be creative and an enthusiastic audience to perform for.
Matrak Attakk were joined on the lineup by some of the best bands the scene has to offer currently. Lefokolodi was one of these acts, and for good reason; they are a spectacular quartet and seeing them perform is a fully physical experience. Lefokolodi brings a crowd of strangers together instantly, screaming and moshing with such vibrant energy that the room overflows with it. Their lead vocalist, Lerato, oozes showmanship and flair with his breakdancing and crowd surfing; seeing them perform their latest single, “Disillusioned,” was a highlight of the night.
The crowd watching Lefokolodi.
Lerato performing for the audience.
The crowd at Smoking Kills on May 17, 2024.
If you’re not a fan of politics, then punk isn’t the genre for you, but on the day, likeminded individuals got to share their thoughts in a space that actively champions community and solidarity. Bands like Mean Girls embody this; they have given the profits from merch sales to solidarity organisations, played shows celebrating youth day in South Africa, and written songs about anti-imperialism and feminism. Their popularity in the scene shows how much their message resonates with young people, but also stems from their musical finesse and talent.
Matrak Attakk took to the stage just past midnight and were easily the loudest band of the night. Their lead vocalist, Cristina, has a ferocious and intimidating scream, but her speaking voice between songs was soft and kind. She profusely thanked the audience for being so receptive, and said the South African scene has a lot to teach the European punk community. Being able to tackle subjects like racism, imperialism and colonization is all part of this specific music scene, and South African punks do it phenomenally, she said.
Matrak Attakk headed up to Pretoria on Saturday evening to perform and came back down to Soweto for a show on Sunday. On the weekend of May 24 and 25, 2024, they will be performing in Cape Town and Stellenbosch. This tour shows just how widespread the love for punk is here, and just how eager international acts are to explore every corner of our burgeoning little scene. Though the underground scene is far from being a profitable giant like other South African music genres, it is fierce, raw, and real.
FEATURED IMAGE: Lead vocalist of Matrak Attakk, Cristina, performs at Smoking Kills. Photo: Ruby Delahunt
Four years since its doors closed, frustrated city residents have yet to hear any real reason why the Johannesburg City Library remains shut.
On May 18, 2024, scores of demonstrators and several civic organizations gathered outside of the Joburg City Library to protest its indefinite closure.
The library has been closed to the public since March 2020, initially due to Covid-19 lockdown restrictions. However, the library never reopened, and in May 2021 the city announced it would remain closed “for major repairs and maintenance”.
However, after years without progress, civic groups took matters into their own hands. A walk-through of the library conducted in March 2024 by experts brought along by the Johannesburg Heritage Foundation (JHF) found the building “structurally sound” and safe for use.
Flo Bird, JHF founder, protests along Simmonds Street near the city library.
One pressing issue lies in the fire-suppression system, which was installed 12 years ago but never commissioned and “should take no more than three months” to fix said JHF.
Gathered at Beyers Naudé Square across from the library, the protestors grouped under a bronze statue of a woman holding a Molotov cocktail and a placard reading, “democracy is dialogue.”
Speakers from the various organizations present recognized the irony of the statement, as dialogue has virtually broken down between the City of Johannesburg (CoJ) and those seeking accountability over the library’s closure.
“They [the CoJ] see civil society as a nuisance,” said David Fleminger, chair of the Johannesburg Heritage Foundation. As an invaluable communal resource, the library reopening “needs to be treated as a matter of urgency, not as an afterthought”, he said. “A library is not a luxury!”
Professor Achille Mbembe spoke about the political connection between books, knowledge, and freedom. “[Books] are the petrol bombs of the mind,” he said, referencing the statue above him. “There is no democracy without books” he stated – a powerful statement for the CoJ to remember just nine days from elections.
“I’m very encouraged”, said Fleminger about the day’s events. Drawing over a hundred people, the event had a “good spirit” of righteous indignation at the CoJ’s failings. “I’m just annoyed that we have to be here…they [the CoJ] should just do their job”, he continued.
Now, its over to the City and the Johannesburg Development Agency (JDA) as protestors demand an immediate (but partial) reopening. “We don’t want to go the legal route, but it is a public facility, and we have a right to make use of it,” said Flo Bird, founder of the JHF.
As the demonstration ended, protestors gathered in groups, sharing stories about the library and its personal significance to them, from being a place of quiet refuge to an invaluable tool in getting through school and university. “I think visiting the library helped instill a love of reading in me,” Fleminger recounted of his childhood. “So many Joburgers have a similar connection to the City Library. It’s part of the fabric of the city.”
With over 1.5 million books, 140 computers, and free WiFi, the City Library is a resource rich center whose quiet abandonment will not, and has not, gone unnoticed by Joburg residents.
Since, the CoJ have re-emphasized their commitment to reopening the library, and said work will begin on the “much-needed compliance issues” in July 2024.
FEATURED IMAGE: Protestors gathered at Beyers Naude Square, Johannesburg. Photo: Ruby Delahunt
The prevalence of backstreet abortions in South Africa was a “huge influence” on Marie Stopes’ decision to introduce more accessible payment options.
Marie Stopes has been providing reproductive healthcare to women worldwide for decades and has consistently been seeking ways to expand access to these services in line with their 2030 safe abortion global strategy.
In a new move towards this goal in South Africa, Marie Stopes announced a brand-new credit payment system for all their services, including abortions. The announcement caused a stir on social media, with many people commending and others condemning Marie Stopes for the move.
Nikita Mynhardt, Marketing and Brand Development lead for Marie Stopes, says that since the implementation of the credit system, “45% of online payments [have been] coming through credit cards and store cards” – a staggering figure which shows how much of a difference the system has made in under two months.
The credit system allows people to pay for any of Marie Stopes’ services in instalments, either via a credit card or a store card. The store cards extend to stores such as Makro, Game, Poetry, and even Builder’s Warehouse.
This method also provides extra privacy to the person making the payments, as the Marie Stopes name does not show on any invoices. Mynhardt does not see any reproductive healthcare as shameful, but acknowledges many women still feel judged for their choices.
This societal judgement is not the only factor hampering women’s access to healthcare. The long and arduous process of getting an abortion at public hospitals often drives women directly into the hands of illegal abortion providers.
A Spotlight report from 2023 notes that medical abortions are “only available in 119 public sector facilities”, which works out to less than 3% of all public healthcare facilities countrywide.
Long waiting times due to this lack of access also increase desperation. A report by the Commission for Gender Equality states that around 50% of abortions in South Africa occur outside of designated healthcare facilities.
Mynhardt explains Marie Stopes is concerned by the prevalence of illegal abortion providers, who perform terminations even up to 30 weeks. “Women can die” when they don’t have affordable access to reproductive health services, Mynhardt says.
Removing financial barriers is one way of ensuring the safety of thousands of women. People can now “get the care they deserve without the hassle” of worrying about finances upfront, says Mynhardt.
South Africa might have been the first country worldwide to protect the right to abortion, but the state has a long way to go in terms of providing women with the resources needed to exercise their rights.
FEATURED IMAGE: Marie Stopes centre in Gandhi Square, Johannesburg. Photo: Marie Stopes.
Daily Maverick’s ‘shut down’ successfully highlighted the dire state of journalism, but also left student journalists with fears about the future.
On April 15, 2024, tens of thousands of South Africans loaded up the Daily Maverick website to read the daily news, only to find a black screen with the words ‘Daily Maverick has shut down’ in bold white lettering.
For 24 hours, the news site was shut down to highlight what Daily Maverick calls the “global state of emergency in journalism”. This state of emergency is driven primarily by economic pressures and the rapid expansion of digital technologies. Daily Maverick plainly states there is “a market failure in journalism”, which is culling off smaller news organisations and local metro press.
Daily Maverick reiterated that the shutdown is not simply for or about them – “it’s about every legitimate newsroom in the country that needs public and corporate support” to continue functioning. Without journalism, they warned, “our democracy and economy will break down”.
A screen grab of the Daily Maverick home page on April 15, 2024.
While no journalism student in the country is unaware of the issues in the field, the shutdown was still alarming and rather fear-inducing for some of us. A media communique from Daily Maverick pointed out that 70% of local journalists have left the field in the last 15 years due to this crisis.
A study by Glenda Daniels notes that the number of community newspapers countrywide has fallen from 575 to just over 250 in the last ten years, as small papers fold and their journalists leave the field. Most young people are already anxious about the job market and their prospects, but as a student journalist I feel an almost indomitable fear for my future.
Associate business editor for Daily Maverick, Neesa Moodley, speaks to the deterioration of journalism and its effect on young journalists. We no longer have the privilege to specialise in just one aspect of media like before. “In my youth, you could decide if you wanted to be a news photographer, a broadcast journalist, or a print journalist. In today’s newsrooms, you need to be able to do all three” if you want to make the cut, she says.
Even if you can conquer all these skills and enter the workforce, retrenchments and slim budgets mean mentors for young journalists are few and far between. Many experienced journalists are opting to freelance, write press releases or work as ghost writers in the corporate field. As such, “eager graduates are thrown in the deep end with little to no guidance,” says Moodley.
Spelling and grammar issues abound, and Moodley highlights the “increasing incidence of press releases used verbatim” as news articles by inexperienced and overworked juniors.
This is all part of what she calls the “juniorisation” of the newsroom – a frightening concept for us student journalists who are without established sources or intimate knowledge of the playing field. It feels rather like being made captain of a sinking ship.
But with resounding positivity, Moodley is unwilling to accept this as the new status quo. “Daily Maverick dearly hopes that the bold move we made in the last week will have kickstarted the public awareness and conversation around the funding of journalism” she says. No journalists, especially young ones without expertise, deserve to provide such an important public service with so little help.
Going forward, hopefully individuals and companies come to see the massive value difference between shoddy citizen journalism and real journalism produced by journalists with what Moodley calls a “bullshit” filter, and fierce commitment to the dogged pursuit of the truth. Journalism students can lead the charge here – we can scream from the rooftops about the crisis in journalism, and make friends, family, and peers aware of how our democracy rides on the back of quality, well-funded journalism.
Educators and mentors can be a part of this fight too. As Trish Audette-Longo and Christianna Alexiou note, it is essential to talk students through crises in the field and to encourage young journalists to “[imagine] different journalism futures” instead of simply accepting the job as it is. If we fight now for our future, then maybe by the time it becomes our present reality, the crisis will be a thing of the past.
Societal expectations and experiences can often place pressure on people’s relationships. With Valentine’s Day coming up we have asked individuals questions about their views on certain relationship dynamics especially when it comes to the most anticipated day of the year for some lovers, Valentines Day. Viewers shared their beliefs and Siyanda and Katlego talk about […]
