As factories, wildfires and endless streams of commuters cover the air with smog, Wits students face the consequences of Johannesburg’s incessant air pollution.
With Wits Main Campus in Braamfontein located on the cusp of the Johannesburg CBD and the industrial zones scattered around the city centre, Air Quality Index (AQI) measurements highlight the impact of polluting factors in the area.
FEATURED IMAGE: Infographic highlighting the air quality measurements in the areas surrounding the Johannesburg CBD. Created by: Tristan Monzeglio
Wildcat strikes have been outstripping protected strikes for years in South Africa and are only growing more frequent. What does this say about the state of our unions?
When thinking of ‘wildcat strikes’ in South Africa, one particular image comes forth in most people’s minds – Marikana, August 16, 2012, where 34 striking miners were murdered by the police, live on television for all the nation and the world to see.
This does not include the ten other murders that occurred during the strike, all results of the unbearable tensions between differing unions, workers, and the police.
And despite continuous striking for a month after the massacre, the miners still only ended up with a monthly salary of R11 078 – not the R12 500 they began the strike for; that blood was shed for.
Despite this brutal and horrifying example, wildcat strikes have become an even more regular occurrence on the local labour action scene since Marikana.
While they might differ in size, purpose, and action, wildcat strikes are generally defined as sudden, unauthorised strikes undertaken by workers on their own terms. The origin of the term is vague and unidentifiable, but these types of strikes usually reflect the nature of the animal, wildcats: unpredictable, uncontrollable, and vicious.
Under Apartheid, trade unions were exclusively white and not very powerful. With exceptions such as the 1973 Durban strikes, which demonstrated the potential power of a unionized, multiracial labour force, the Apartheid government made sure unions could not exert any political or economic power.
Coming out of Apartheid and into the dawn of democracy, however, unions surged in power and importance, especially in the political realm. Today, around 3.86 million workers in South Africa are union members – still a significant number of people with the ability to wield mass power. In fact, this number has not shifted drastically in the last forty years or so, but the power and influence of trade unions has shrunk drastically, and everyone can feel it.
Data collected by the Casual Workers Advice Office (CWAO) shows a general decline in strike action since 2018. However, in comparison to strike actions between 2009-2013, the rate in recent years has overall been quite high; the most work stoppages in the 2009-2013 period sits at 114 in 2013. So, strike action is still highly prevalent, but statistics show the specific type of strike action being undertaken by workers is changing.
These statistics clearly show that wildcat strikes make up a major part of annual labour action. “Wildcat strikes have outstripped protected strikes for some years now”, says the CWAO, who have diligently reported each strike across South Africa for the last few years.
In 2020, two-thirds of all labour strikes were unauthorized wildcat strikes, and most were driven by what the Department of Employment and Labour (DEL) terms the “community industry”.
Within the community industry, the DEL explained in their 2020 industrial action report that “more strikes were seen from the South African health sector”, as the Covid-19 pandemic crippled a healthcare system that was already burdened by preexisting challenges.
However, the DEL report does not give any reason why these strikes were unprotected. But viewing recent news around trade unions – especially in the service and community industries – it is easy to understand why workers went rogue.
After the shock exposure of corruption at Tembisa hospital and the assassination of whistleblower Babita Deokaran, the Young Nurses Indaba Trade Union (YNITU) placed itself squarely in the corner of disgraced hospital chief, Ashley Mthunzi.
The YNITU was headed by Lerato Mthunzi, the wife of Ashley Mthunzi. She allegedly “hijacked” the union and used it as a mouthpiece to defend her husband from corruption charges, against the will of its members and in contravention of the rules of the union.
If such is the case, it makes sense why unionized workers would doubt their representatives’ commitment to workers issues and take matters into their own hands.
Even ex NUMSA Deputy General Secretary, Karl Cloete, criticised trade unions in South Africa for using the concept of worker-controlled unions as “a mere slogan” to garner votes. Instead of exercising real worker’s power, union leaders remain in control so they “may determine the direction of the union and how their own resources drawn from subscriptions should benefit them.”
Zwelinzima Vavi, general secretary of the South African Federation of Trade Unions (SAFTU), noted in a discussion document that large trade unions have become comfortable with the status quo, due to their inauguration into the democratic political system. That also includes accepting its oppressive, corrupt aspects.
Vavi says that “the ANC’s commitment to austerity measures and neoliberalism worsens every day, [and] yet COSATU keeps on asking workers to vote for the ANC, as part of the defense of the status quo.”
Thus, it seems unsurprising that, out of all the wildcat strikes that occurred in 2023, the second highest proportion were strikes conducted by workers without any union representation or involvement. Most are non-unionized workers who organised themselves.
Nurses who had their contracts abruptly terminated at Jubilee District Hospital in Gauteng last May went on strike outside the hospital. Massive shortages in employees and resources pushed the hospital to the brink, and yet the nurses were kept on contracts via agencies, and not offered full time employment.
While Democratic Nursing Organisation of South Africa (DENOSA) leader, Bongani Mazibuko, said the nurses should reach out to the union for support, DENOSA itself had no part in the wildcat strike – the nurses acted of their own volition.
With news of YNITU’s woes in the air, who could blame them?
Wildcat strikes organised by workers are the norm in the mining industry in South Africa, where inter-union fighting has dominated the labour scene, often overshadowing worker concerns.
A three-day underground wildcat strike was held by over 2000 miners last December at Impala Platinum Mine in Rustenburg. Fed up with tax deductions on their bonuses and angered over a cage accident that claimed 13 lives that November, the miners went ahead with the strike without approval from their union, the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM).
This should seem strange, as NUM is such a powerful union. Three of NUM’s past general secretaries have held important political positions in South Africa. One is even the president today – Cyril Ramaphosa.
And yet, Ramaphosa lives under the shadow of his role in Marikana. Families of the murdered miners hold Ramaphosa liable for their deaths, which even the High Court has acknowledged could be true.
So, perhaps it is precisely because of the bloody memory of Marikana that workers choose to embark on wildcat strikes. Workers will always need representation, especially in a society as unequal and in an economy as dire as South Africa’s.
But if workers feel that their trade unions are not on their side, it must be expected that they will stand on their own.
FEATURED IMAGE: Workers marching to end pay freeze in Cape Town, October 2021. Photo: Ashraf Hendrickfor Ground Up.
The bloc of emerging economies is shaping up to be a force to be reckoned with, and their hope is for the currency to follow suit.
South Africa has had a positive relationship with the Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) bloc since it joined in 2010. With the bloc’s intentions to deepen ties between member states and work together towards economic expansion, it was a match made in heaven.
BRICS member states like Russia and China have faced backlash around their intentions to move against the hegemony of the West, this shared vision a unifying force. The annual BRICS summits have sought to address the issues of Western dominance, and their most recent attempt was by introducing a new currency and including more countries to maximise their efforts.
It has been a year since the 2023 BRICS Summit in Johannesburg, where this initiative was announced, and much has happened since.
New members and new money
In January 2024, the bloc expanded its membership to include five new developing countries. The five new countries include Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Argentina (who later chose to withdraw from the bloc), whose budding economies could prove to be a positive force in the new ‘BRICS+.’
In addition to the expansion, the bloc announced intentions to create a new BRICS currency system that would rival the US Dollar. The inclusion of more states into the bloc would strengthen the impacts of a new currency. As expected, this news caused quite a stir across the globe, and many have been anxious to see what that would mean.
Brazil’s president, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva proposed this currency during the summit last year. “[It] “increases our payment options and reduces our vulnerabilities.” The BRICS bloc accounts for about 37,3% of the world’s Gross Domestic Profit and 41.3% of the global population. This seemingly gives them the ability to make sizeable contributions and impact change in the world order.
This endeavour is due to both economic and geopolitical factors. One such factor is the tensions between Western countries and BRICS states such as Russia and China which are a big reason for their desire to move away from the Dollar. During the 2023 Summit, Russian President Vladimir Putin expressed that the bloc aims to benefit the “global majority” and that their efforts would be in the best interest of the world at large, economically.
When the news broke, people across the world flooded social media to express their sentiments of both concern and excitement at the idea of a new currency that could give developing economies a chance to thrive in the global market. One TikTok user shared a video stating the value of the new BRICS+ currency against the Canadian and American Dollars, with 1 BRICS+ ‘dollar’ being worth about USD 55 and 75 CND respectively. This was not proven on any factual basis, but it is just one example of the misinformation surrounding the creation of this currency.
How would it work?
Wits University International Relations Professor Rod Alence has clarified what exactly the currency is. “A common misconception is that BRICS is working toward a single currency for member states, like the Euro.”
He explained that this is unfavourable as it would require members like South Africa to abandon their currencies in favour of this unified model. This would allow a new BRICS central bank to replace the South African Reserve Bank (SARB) and put the growth of the South African economy at the bottom of its priorities.
Alence explained: “The BRICS currency that has been proposed would serve solely as a unit for settling international trade and financial transactions.” This could mean a new system to facilitate intra-bloc trade and not necessarily the creation of an international currency.
This initiative would see the countries drop the US Dollar when trading between BRICS+ countries, allowing them to assert their financial independence in the global economy. The possibility of the BRICS countries using their own currencies to conduct trade could result in de-dollarization, a decline in the very high global demand for the US Dollar. Putin stated that the ‘objective’ and ‘irreversible’ process of de-dollarizing the BRICS nations’ economic ties was gaining momentum, a hope that he and his BRICS counterparts hold on to.
According to Alence, the prominence of the US Dollar in global trade is not mandated by any international laws. Still, the currency’s continued stability over time has made it a ‘safe’ trading currency for the world. The introduction of a new way for countries to trade with each other could shift the global economic paradigms in the way BRICS+ nations had hoped for.
Possible stumbling blocks for SA
Joseph Matola, Acting Head of the Economic Diplomacy Programme at the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) said that the creation of a BRICS currency could create some challenges for South Africa. One such challenge is that the bloc would need to establish “a stable financial market to support the new currency.” This means that a large amount of time and resources would be needed to establish a functioning system for this new currency to flourish.
When asked how likely it seems for the BRICS currency to succeed, Matola said, “[It is] Unlikely in my opinion. If it succeeds, it will take a long time given the complexities cited above. Besides, it is not clear if there is a complete buy-in of the project by all members.” There is also a possible issue with tensions between some BRICS members, like Egypt and Ethiopia or China and India.
As things stand, the BRICS countries will continue to move towards the use of their own currencies for trade but will investigate the viability of creating a common currency in the future. This may be discussed further in the upcoming summit in Russia.
Ultimately, the new BRICS currency system is still a work in progress, and it is likely to be an endeavour that requires much time, resources and preparation. The bloc intends to challenge the global status quo, and this is just one of the steps they are taking to do so. The next BRICS+ Summit will be happening again in Kazan, Russia from October 22 to 24, where the future of the BRICS+ bloc will be discussed, and more may be shared about this new system.
FEATURED IMAGE: An infographic highlighting the different members of the BRICS bloc. Photo: Kamogelo Kungwane
The deregistration of Educor’s institutions has thrown the lives of countless students into chaos, forcing them to confront a grim future.
In an unprecedented and heart-wrenching move that left thousands of students reeling, the Department of Higher Education and Training (DHET) announced the deregistration of four institutions owned by Educor, South Africa’s largest private education provider.
The decision made public on March 22, 2024, via a government gazette by DHET’s Director-General Nkosinathi Sishi, has not only sent shockwaves through the education sector but also ignited a wave of anger and despair among those most affected—students and staff.
Educor, a behemoth in the private education industry, operates well-known institutions such as Damelin, CityVarsity, Icesa City Campus, and Lyceum College. But behind its expansive reach and polished facade, a storm was brewing—one that has now left thousands of students like Bongani Sibanda in dire straits.
Bongani Sibiya, stranded in Johannesburg with no way to return home to Rustenburg, faced the cold reality of eviction. “I couldn’t just go home without knowing what was happening with my studies,” he shared, frustration and desperation evident in his voice. His landlord, unsympathetic to his plight, showed no mercy. “I was evicted and ended up crashing at a friend’s place for a day,” Bongani recounted, a mixture of anger and helplessness colouring his words.
Over 60 campuses nationwide, once bustling with hopeful students, now stand as symbols of broken promises. Beneath the company’s expansive portfolio of ten educational brands lay a series of compliance failures that have now unraveled, leaving thousands in a precarious situation.
Kenny Diamond, a Damelin graduate, couldn’t hide his anger as he reflected on his time at the institution. “The decision to deregister should have come long ago,” he said, his voice tinged with bitterness. “Even though my qualification is recognized, the quality of teaching and learning was poor.” His words echoed the sentiments of many who had endured years of subpar education, only to see their worst fears realized.
The shockwaves of Educor’s downfall didn’t stop with the students. Staff members, who dedicated years to these institutions, now find themselves in similarly dire straits.
Ndumiso Mhlanga, an employee at one of the Educor colleges, described the dismal working conditions they endured. “It became the norm for us to receive our salaries very late—sometimes we were underpaid, or worse, not paid at all,” he revealed, his frustration palpable. “There was a lack of proper administrative support, and it felt like we were abandoned.”
These labour issues only add to the already complex and dire situation, highlighting the profound human cost of Educor’s failures. On November 22, 2023, the South African Federation of Trade Unions (SAFTU) issued a statement expressing deep concern over the treatment of staff, particularly at Damelin College. Delayed payments, unaddressed grievances, and unjust contract terminations painted a bleak picture of an institution on the brink.
The troubles for Educor began as early as 2020, when the DHET first noticed the group’s failure to submit its annual financial certificates and reports—a critical requirement for the continued registration of private education institutions.
Despite repeated warnings, including a stern reprimand in 2022, Educor failed to comply with these obligations. The gravity of the situation unraveled in July 2023 when the DHET issued a notice of cancellation of registration, giving Educor until September 26, 2023, to lodge an appeal.
In a bid to rectify the situation, Educor sought and was granted an extension until February 28, 2024. However, the group again failed to meet the deadline, leaving the DHET with no choice but to proceed with deregistration.
On March 26, 2024, during a media briefing, the former Minister of Higher Education and Training, Blade Nzimande, emphasized that the cancellation was not an abrupt decision but a consequence of ongoing non-compliance. Nzimande made it clear that the DHET had given Educor ample time to address the issues, but the group’s repeated failures left the department with no alternative and yet still requested another extension.
For students like Momosa Kopi, the aftermath has been a nightmare. Momosa, a student from Damelin’s correspondence college, was fortunate to be transferred to another institution that recognized her credits. But not everyone was so lucky. Many students pursuing a direct Damelin qualification found themselves at a dead end, their academic dreams shattered.
The sudden deregistration has profoundly impacted students, leaving them angry, confused, and uncertain about their future.
Educor was required to inform all enrolled students within 14 days of the cancellation notice and assist them in finding alternative institutions. But for students like Bongani Sibanda, these promises rang hollow.
Bongani Sibiya, a second-year student whose registration was cancelled, had often heard whispers that Educor colleges operated like fly-by-night institutions. Now, facing the harsh reality, his anger is palpable. “By the time I wanted to transfer, I thought about all the money I had spent and couldn’t bring myself to just let it all go,” he lamented.
Asive Dlanjwa, spokesperson for the SA Union of Students, clarified that students who obtained their qualifications from an institution during the period of accreditation should not be affected. He explained that if the institution was legally registered and offered certified and updated courses that met the requirements of the South African Qualifications Authority (SAQA), students who completed their qualifications within that timeframe should not face any issues.
In an interview with Wits Vuvuzela, Kutloano Umanji, a recent IT graduate, explained that despite the Department of Higher Education announcing the deregistration earlier this year, students who completed their courses in 2023 were surprisingly still allowed to graduate in May 2024.
Umanji revealed that among her peers whose studies were interrupted, none of those directly enrolled in Damelin courses were able to transfer their credits and continue their studies elsewhere. Some students unknowingly took non-accredited and outdated courses, only discovering this when they faced difficulties in transferring their credits. As she put it: “most of them started all over or changed to a new course”.
She reflected on her time at the institution, noting that it was not the best experience. She cited instances where they would randomly not have lecturers, leaving students without academic guidance. Moreover, she felt that the institution only addressed student concerns when they were pushed to do so.
Despite receiving his academic transcript, Bongani faced a major setback when he couldn’t transfer his credits to another college. Advised to either start a new course or find another institution offering the same qualification, he found the task nearly impossible. “I’ve decided to give my studies another chance in the 2025 academic year,” he shared, a mix of determination and frustration in his voice.
During the media briefing, the former minister of DHET highlighted that his department has in the past received numerous complaints from students against the Educor institutions.
Many of those issues till today remain unsolved. Sibiya told Wits Vuvuzela that he gave up on pursuing reimbursement for his fees because it was nearly impossible to follow up, even when the institutions were still operational.
The Department of Higher Education has also offered to assist students from Educor’s colleges in finding alternative institutions where they can continue and complete their qualifications.
FEATURED IMAGE: The four Educor brands that were deregistered by the Department of Higher Education and Training. Photo: Salim Nkosi
The Braamfontein Cemetery has seen bouts of vandalism to its Ash Wall and graves, and whilst volunteers work day and night to rebuild these people’s memories, there is no end in sight.
Saying goodbye to a loved one is already the hardest thing a person can do. But, laying a person to rest in peace and then seeing their tombstone smashed into pieces must feel like losing them twice. Or, placing a loved one’s urn behind an engraved plaque only to find their name in pieces with their ashes missing, surely cracks the heart wide open once again.
This is the reality for many families with loved ones buried at the Braamfontein Cemetery, as vandalism to its Ash Wall and graveyard began in March 2023. Since then, small groups of vandals continue to trash the cemetery to this day, almost a year and a half later.
Empty bottles, rubbish, and cigarette butts are amongst the rubbish left in-between the Ash Wall. Photo: Victoria Hill
Grave tombstones are vandalised beyond repair, with one such statue having its head brutally chopped off. Photo: Victoria Hill
Graves of reverends were smashed to pieces, vandalised, or disturbed in some other way. Photo: Victoria Hill
Plaques have been removed or smashed so that the writing is illegible on the Ash Wall. Photo: Victoria Hill
The lack of upkeep at the cemetery shows when dead flowers are not removed from gravesides. Photo: Victoria Hill
Rubble piled up against the Ash Wall creates a big eye-sore. Photo: Victoria Hill
A man can be seen entering the cemetery from the road due to lack of perimeter fencing. Photo: Victoria Hill
An ominous hut peaks out from the back of the graveyard, directly opposite the abandoned Braamfontein Station building. Photo: Victoria Hill
It is not clear why people who vandalise specifically target the Ash Wall, but Mike Nyathi, a security guard at Braamfontein Cemetery, speculates that the vandals most probably steal human ashes to mix with other drugs that they then smoke. Nyathi also mentioned how thieves smash into the Ash Wall, as family members will sometimes leave prize-possessions with their loved ones in their place of rest, which vandals then pawn for money.
Friends of Johannesburg Cemeteries (FOJC), a non-profit organisation and a group under the Johannesburg Heritage Foundation, have been leading the restoration project of the vandalised Ash Wall at Braamfontein Cemetery. They depend entirely on donations to fund their projects.
Sarah Welham, convenor of FOJC, says the project is costly and time-consuming: “We spend R5000 a week on builders’ wages and at one point when we had [three] builders, we were paying out R7500 a week.”
Whilst the Johannesburg City Parks and Zoo have “supplied us with much of the building material we needed, as well as 130 blank granite plaques,” Welham says, “we have had several appeals to the public for donations when required. Many people living overseas have donated very generously.”
To date, Welham estimates 6 000 niches and plaques have been repaired by FOJC, and the process isn’t a quick one. The longest and hardest part involves matching each name to the correct niche number and ensuring the correct ashes are placed behind the plaques. Only then can the plaque be engraved and reattached to the wall which is, in itself, another extensive process.
The reoccurring act of the vandalism to Braamfontein Cemetery is largely unexplained, yet Welham and Nyathi agree it is due to poor security. The security company preceding Cognizant Security Solutions were not “patrolling and spending time in the Ash Wall section of the cemetery to act as a deterrent to vandals”, says Welham.
Nyathi warned this Wits Vuvuzela journalistto not venture past a certain point due to a breach in the back boundary wall of the cemetery. Across the road is the old Braamfontein Station building which has seemingly been hijacked and inhabited by people who enter the premises for various reasons. Repairing this fence would “cost millions and the City of Johannesburg does not have the budget for that”, says Welham.
Azola Manjati, Manager for the Braamfontein and Brixton Cemeteries, told Wits Vuvuzela “this financial year, there is a budget allocated to repair the fence”, so things are looking up.
Nyathi said that when a funeral or cremation is in session, all security personnel remain in that vicinity to watch over the procession and vehicles, leaving the cemetery largely unguarded.
Nevertheless, after a great deal of work, FOJC organised a tour of the repaired Ash Wall in hopes of raising awareness to the issue of vandalism at Braamfontein Cemetery and showcase their hard work to family and friends. However, just days before the tour was meant to take place, the wall was once again struck down. Welham reports only 14 plaques were destroyed — this time.
The FOJC got back to work repairing the wall yet again, because they have undertaken the task to “restore the area to one of peace and dignity”. Welham further says “many of the families have moved away from Johannesburg and have been distraught that they were unable to deal with this problem themselves”.
However, after many cycles of repairing the Ash Wall just to have it vandalised again, the FOJC is staring into a dim future. They cannot continue to raise “thousands and thousands of rands to do the repairs” as “there is only so much the public is prepared to donate”. The next large-scale vandalism to the Ash Wall will have to go unrepaired, which is a harsh but necessary truth.
Besides the vandalism, Braamfontein Cemetery is quite rundown and unkept, with grass overgrown in much of the old area. With graves dating back to the 1800s, the cemetery is a historical place of rest for many souls.
However, rubbish from trespassers and vandals scatter the once serene grounds, causing the graves of many individuals to be covered in empty alcohol bottles, plastic bags, rubble, cigarette butts, and much more.
Manjati says Johannesburg City Parks are currently “supporting the Friends group and are working towards formalising [their] partnership” for the future, as they have the common goal to respect those that have passed and their families.
The desecration of graves and ashes is a sensitive social issue but is one that needs to be addressed before the saying “rest in peace” loses its meaning altogether.
FEATURED IMAGE: Plaques from the Ash Wall section of the cemetery have been ripped off their niches and smashed to pieces, with the ashes removed from the place-keeper altogether. Photo: Victoria Hill
It has been a year since the tragic fire in Marshalltown, but for those who lost loved ones, time remains suspended in ashes of grief.
If one drives through Joburg CBD at night, they will be met by decaying buildings, litter-strewn streets and bodies that huddle against urine-soaked walls. As eerie silence hovers above dimly lit sidewalks and the peering eyes beyond it, it feels as if hope itself fears the inner city.
Look above and you will see buildings that tower over your miniscule body. Look closer and you will notice that many of these buildings hold no signs of life. No light peaking from the neatly stacked windows, no glass to fill their hollow frames. All that’s there is darkness, peeling coats of paint and graffiti tattooed across exposed brickwork.
At night, when life runs for safety, these buildings stand like decrepit giants whose corpses stalk the night. But there are lives in these buildings, and swallowed by their darkness, they fade into the brutal oblivion that can be Joburg.
Last year, the Usindiso building burnt down in August, claiming 77 lives and displacing hundreds. This year at the Khampepe Commission of Inquiry, it was found that the City of Johannesburg (CoJ) was liable for this lethal fire. Why? Because they were aware of the dangerous living conditions in Usindiso and (as the owners of the building) failed to address them. In other words, neglect.
But this is not about the ineptitude of local government – that tale has been told a thousand times before. Rather, this is about the consequences of that ineptitude and the scars that cannot be patched by a tin roof shack or plastic tarp.
Survivors were relocated to a settlement named Denver, where neat rows of shiny shacks were erected to accommodate the newly displaced. Besides the myriads of struggles those accommodated there reported – including the absence of a drainage system which led to the settlement flooding in January this year- some survivors received no accommodation at all, left to their own devices after losing all that they own. “We are not the only survivors here in Denver. There are over 400 survivors and only 30 of us in Denver!” claims Sethokwakhe Zungu, a community leader in Denver.
While the exact numbers cannot be confirmed, there is an element of truth in Zungu’s claim. Thirty-two displaced foreign nationals were detained at Lindela Repatriation Centre for not holding valid documentation- despite the possibility that it could have been lost in the fire. But it was not only foreigners that received the short end of the stick.
Some survivors lost their children in the fire and are still grieving their loss. Photo: Kabir Jugram
Recently, a group of survivors held a meeting at a park in Jeppestown to discuss their demands for the second part of the Khampepe Commission. However, the meeting did not materialize as only ten people showed up. Instead, what followed was an intimate discussion about their shared grievances and trauma.
Amongst the gathered crowd was a short man who stood silently with his head lowered as the others vented. His exposed skin caught the eye for the raw blotches of flesh snaking up from his arms towards his neck.
At some point his silence became evident after a woman proclaimed, “if we don’t fight for ourselves, who else will?!” bemoaning the poor attendance of the meeting. Encouraged to speak, he turned to me with a look of dignified sorrow that only the grieving possess. A spark lit in his eye as he realized I am a journalist; a designated ear for the story entangled in his wounds.
He introduced himself as Michael. “You’re a journalist?” he asked, pointing at the camera around my neck. Within an instant of my confirmation, he began detailing his trauma to me.
He told me that he lost his daughter in the fire. More than that, he was unable to see her body once he was discharged from hospital. According to him, this is because her body was misidentified and given to another family. There was no rage in his voice as he said this nor any tears – just a voice filled with calm and eyes wild with bewilderment.
But as he said this, a woman just outside the circle shed a singular tear. She simply stared at the ground and let it roll down her cheek. She too had said nothing the whole time. She too lost her child to the fire. Just like Michael, it seemed as if she had held her pain as a part of her, holding it in her eyes when unable to express it.
But while some turn to silence when carrying the burden of grief, others turn to chaos. At a protest organised by the survivors in April, a middle-aged woman caught my attention for her loud and abrasive manner. She was the loudest of those chanting and hogged the centre of the circle people danced in. She was the life of the protest… and seemingly, very drunk. From flinging her top off in the middle of the street to urinating on busy sidewalks, she slowly grew more unhinged as the protest wore on.
At first, she seemed a mere drunkard. So, when she approached me to talk, I was hesitant. But everyone deserves the right to be heard, and so we walked slightly behind the protestors barreling down Marshalltown. Most of what she told me was incoherent. But amidst her hysteria a moment of reflection arose when I asked her: “How is life in Denver?”.
Tears began cascading down her cheeks as she murmured, “life is too hard; I miss my baby” again and again. After that, she seamlessly returned to her drunken rambling. However, while she stumbled through the streets and shouted belligerently, she also offered me food. “You must eat, others are hungry!” she scolded when I politely declined. Even in the throes of an overwhelming grief, she was still a mother in action and deed.
In April this year, survivors protested the lack of adequate compensation received after the fire. Photo: Kabir Jugram
Just like Michael and the lady of silent tears, her scars have been left to fester from within. The Khampepe Comission recommended counselling for the survivors, but those that I have met are still waiting. “The commission recommended counselling for the victims but did not say whose responsibility that is. Maybe that’s why no one’s received any help yet,” claims General Zungu, a coordinator for the Marshalltown Fire Justice Campaign (MFJC). So, compounded by the everyday fight for survival, their trauma now stalks them from a place beyond politics.
With barely a finger lifted by the city, they bathe in grief in one room shacks; or float through Joburg in search of life – the ones they lost in Usindiso. They scream at protests, but I am not sure whether they are truly heard. As some settle in the darkness of another abandoned building at night, haunted by grief and silenced by trauma, they become one of thousands of lost souls that lurk in the shadows of Joburg, the city of ghosts.
FEATURED IMAGE: Survivors marching to the mayor’s office in April under the moniker of the MFJC. Photo: Kabir Jugram
It could be said that Play Braamfontein is at the forefront of bringing back the “cool” to the heart of Johannesburg’s inner city, but at what cost?
Braamfontein has always symbolized freedom and creativity. Walking down the streets of Braam one sees the mixture of old buildings and student accommodations, mixed with new and developing entertainment hubs for people to indulge themselves in. Places such as the Playground Market (formerly Neighbourgoods), Mamakashaka (formerly Great Dane) and Kitcheners Carvery Bar have given Braamfontein its social and cultural identity. But as the identity of these places continue to be phased out or replaced, new businesses have arrived and have given Braamfontein a new lease on life. Play Braamfontein is at the heart of the precinct’s maintenance and continued growth, but how much growth is too much growth?
Genesis of Play Braamfontein
Braamfontein’s history dates to the early 1800s when it was still a farm and evolved into being a suburb for middle class Afrikaaners. It became an economically booming area in the 1950s when many businesses relocated to the area. However, in the 1980s there began to be urban decay in the area which caused many of these businesses to relocate to the northern suburbs.
In response to these challenges, the Johannesburg Development Agency (JDA) created the R13-million Braamfontein Regeneration Programme in 2002 which set out to “renew the area as a centre of business, entertainment and education”. This led to the creation and improvement of public art and safe open spaces. Around the same time, an entrepreneur, Adam Levy, founded a property-developing company that would change the suburb’s landscape forever.
Over the past two decades Play Braamfontein has acquired old buildngs and refurnashed them into attractive spaces where people can enjoy themselves safely in the inner city.
One of the company’s most notable new changes includes the Rooftop Basketball Court, South Africa’s first 3v3 rooftop basketball court. In addition, the reopening of Johannesburg’s first ever City Beach Club helped bring a fresh and unique dynamic to the city of Joburg. These venues add to the influential role Play Braamfontein had already established in the area partly due to The Playground, a lively market and entertainment space which sees people flock from all over the province every weekend.
Siyabonga Mncube, a 21-year-old student at Boston College and a Braamfontein resident believes that Play Braamfontein has “injected Braam Square with life.” He believes that the area has not been the same since the Covid-19 pandemic, and that Play Braamfontein’s rising influence is exciting.
Further, he said that their role is crucial to the local economy as they are creating new jobs, citing the KFC concept store as an example (also known as ‘KFC at Play Braam’). The location of the KFC concept store was once home to Uncle Faozi, a food shop where many partygoers would go after a night out. It brings new elements unprecedented at KFC stores such as fashion collaborations, new menus, virtual technology and LED lighting that make it an enhancing hub.
Intersection of Juta and De Beer Street, Braamfontein of Play Braamfontein spaces. Photo: Siyanda Mthethwa
In March, it was announced that the beloved Kitcheners Carvery Bar would be closing. Speaking to Wits Vuvuzela, former owner of Kitcheners, Andrew Clement, said that the century long pub was “at the forefront of the revival of Braamfontein for the past 15 years” and that it had to close “for economic reasons”. Once again, Play Braamfontein stepped in, taking over the bar and announced that Kitcheners would not in fact be closing, but rather “restored and uplifted” by them soon.
The statement promised to breathe new life into the pub which suffered negatively from the pandemic and that it will be known as ‘’The Original’ Kitcheners Carvery Bar ‘once it has reopened. This latest addition in the properties acquired by Play Braamfontein helps boost their aims of creating a vibrant and creative space that helps Braamfontein be a unique social area.
Through the efforts of innovating new and exclusive venues for the area of Braamfontein as well as its role in celebrating music through one of its most popular venues, The Playground, Play Braamfontein has helped make Braamfontein the heart of culture and creativity. But do these attempts count as gentrification and what effects does it have on the community?
Gentrification is defined as the process where homes and businesses in a poor area are renovated by middle class or wealthy people, which results in the rise of property value or the displacement of existing residents.
According to this definition, one can say that Play Braamfontein have indeed gentrified the area of Braamfontein to some extent. They have acquired several buildings and have at least seven spaces listed on their website which are open to bookings. These spaces are mainly on the intersection of Juta and De Beer Street, with Play Braamfontein owning at least seven out of almost 15 different spaces of leisure in this small segment of Braam. Further, rates to rent out Play Braamfontein spaces start at R20 000 and go up to R45 000 before tax.
There are no official records of residents being forced out of buildings due to the acquisitions of Play Braamfontein, but it is an issue that has persisted in the inner city of Johannesburg, particularly in places such as Maboneng and Doornfontein according to a UJ study.
Ruby Delahunt, a Wits Vuvuzela student journalist, states that while she sees the good that Play Braamfontein is doing for the economy, she believes that they are “pushing out the people that are in Braam.”
“I remember going back to the market when it first started three to four years ago and it’s completely different to how it is now”, said Delahunt, stating that places are way more expensive and that they are more focused on nightlife and drinking, lacking in originality.
Play Braamfontein’s spaces continue to coexist, however, with longstanding Braamfontein pubs such as The Banister Hotel, Wing Republic and Drama Club which have been cornerstones in the culture of Braamfontein. Nostalgic partygoers and residents may be at ease that key Braamfontein attractions are still in existence.
Play Braamfontein has without a doubt been essential to the revival of Braamfontein. It has not only transformed the physical space of the area but has redefined means of having fun through the creation of different venues which people can experience in new and creative ways. Although the development of properties can bring positive change to an area, one must account for the possible challenges such as increased property values which may make the area less accessible to the average citizen.
Looking forward, Play Braamfontein has a bright future, and one can say that they are just getting started. The recent acquisition of Kitcheners and their ongoing renovations on their spaces show that the property developing company continue to make this small segment of Braamfontein a revolutionary area that celebrates cultural heritage. As Play Braamfontein continues with their groundbreaking innovation, they must be aware of the challenges it brings and ensure that Braamfontein remains an area where individuals from all walks of life can enjoy themselves.
FEATURED IMAGE: A sign written, “A new era Kitchener’s opening soon.” Photo: Siyanda Mthethwa.
Global Monkeypox (Mpox) outbreak spreads rapidly, prompting public health emergency measures.
Monkeypox, a rare and contagious viral disease-causing fever, headache, muscle aches and a characteristic rash, has sparked global concern as cases surge.
The World Health Organization (WHO) urges enhanced surveillance, vaccination, and public awareness to control the outbreak of Mpox, stating “immediate action is needed to control the spread”, said WHO Director General, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus.
FEATURED IMAGE: Monkeypox virus information graphic created by Sanele Sithetho
The Ahmed Kathrada Foundation, OUTA, and other civil society organizations continue the search for justice for Babita Deokaran’s assassination, while politicians dither and delay.
At a small Baptist church in the suburb of Mondeor, Johannesburg, a crowd gathered on August 23, 2024, to remember Babita Deokaran three years after her assassination.
Babita Deokaran was gunned down in the driveway of her home in 2021, just three weeks after flagging R850 million in irregular payments at Tembisa Hospital. Beyond sentencing the six gunmen who conducted the assassination, no paymaster has been found or charged.
As a result, this remembrance has occurred every year since her murder, as both a support mechanism for her family and a platform to demand justice for Deokaran.
Ahmed Kathrada Foundation Executive director, Neeshan Balton, calls it an “accountability forum”, where Gauteng politicians are invited every year to speak on the progress of the investigation and answer questions the family may have.
Neeshan Balton, Wayne Duvenage, Vuyiswa Ramokgopa, Andy Mothibi, Mark Heywood, and Trene Poragadu. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
Speaking to Wits Vuvuzela, Balton expressed his disappointment at the government’s response to Babita’s assassination. “I don’t even think any senior Gauteng official met with her family”, he said, which the family later confirmed. “The Gauteng provincial government have just been…unconcerned.”
While Balton noted that “the SIU [Special Investigations Unit] have been exemplary” in their continuation of Babita’s corruption investigation, he says that most officials involved in the case have made promises but “kept none of them”.
SIU boss, Adv. Andy Mothibi, came to speak at the event, as he has done every year. He noted that the value of irregular payments has risen from the original R850 million to a staggering R2.2 billion. He confirmed that the “syndicates involved [at Tembisa hospital] are involved in other hospitals” as well – this is far from an isolated incident.
Activist and journalist, Mark Heywood, agreed with Adv. Mothibi’s assessment. “Tembisa hospital is the rule, not the exception”, he said. Corruption syndicates that exploit tender processes like this are everywhere in the Gauteng Health Department.
Gauteng MEC for agriculture and rural development, Vuyiswa Ramokgopa, attended the remembrance not in her political capacity, but as a concerned citizen. She spoke to the “micro-corruptions” that exist in everyday life in South Africa that snowball into massive abuses of power and government corruption.
Babita Deokaran was a woman of integrity, Ramokgopa declared, and integrity is “the willingness to speak truth, even when it is not easy.” Speaking the truth should not cost one their life, however.
While Babita Deokaran died fighting against corruption, and for the constitutional right to healthcare, today there is also a daughter missing her mother; cousins missing their aunt; a home that is less bright.
The family and civil society organizations hope that by August 23, 2025, justice will be served.
FEATURED IMAGE:OUTA members dancing and singing at the remembrance. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
The financial contribution of storytelling to South Africa’s economy, highlights its influence across the national landscape.
Storytelling in South Africa has long been celebrated for its cultural significance, but its role in driving economic growth is often underappreciated. Beyond captivating audiences, the storytelling industry spans multiple sectors – from film and television to publishing and digital content creation – contributing to job creation, tourism, and overall economic development.
The data visualisation below delves into the influence of storytelling and uncover the ways in which it supports industries and generates income.
FEATURED IMAGE: SA Storytelling graphic created by Ofentse Tladi
In Gaza, a press vest is no longer a protective piece of clothing, but a moving target on a journalist’s back.
The ongoing offence in Gaza has become the most reported genocide in history, and when rockets blow-up buildings and civilians are brutalised, journalists are not protected from Israel’s wrath.
Journalists have been purposefully targeted and assassinated in Gaza during Israel’s siege in Palestine. Their voices were torn from their throats, their offices bombed, equipment destroyed, and their families threatened and killed.
The answer to why this is the case is simple: journalists are silenced because they speak the truth to power. The Committee to Project Journalists’ (CPJ) chief executive officer, Jodie Ginsberg said in a statement: “Every journalist killed is another blow to our understanding of the world.”
Approximately 168 journalists have been martyred to date in Gaza with the most recent assassination on Sunday, August 18. Over 100 reporters have been detained or injured, and more than 50 remain incarcerated. But it is important to remember “behind each number, there is a life,” said Inayet Wadee, presenter at Salaamedia.
One journalist who has been able to make it out alive is Youmna El-Sayed, Al Jazeera’s English correspondent in Gaza. El-Sayed has been reporting on the conflict for a decade, her daughter was born into an open-air prison and still lives in one.
Arriving in South Africa on Tuesday, August 20, El-Sayed barely stopped to breathe a sigh of relief before she shared her story, and the stories of those still abandoned in Gaza, with a room full of journalists hosted by Salaamedia in Sandton.
Youmna El-Sayed was taking a moment to breathe before the press conference began about her time as a frontline reporter in Gaza, with mediator, Zanele Mji. Photo: Victoria Hill
United Nation experts describe the Gaza genocide as the “most dangerous conflict for journalists in recent history”. More recently, the International Court of Justice ruled that Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territories is illegal and amounts to apartheid.
Waking up to rockets sailing through the sky and bullets raining down on the road, El-Sayed knew that fateful day in October last year was the start of something bigger than the decades of oppression and repression seen before.
Kissing her children on their sleeping heads, she left her house, never to return. In the past, civilians were given a five-minute grace period to flee their homes and run before they were blown apart, but this time around, no such privilege existed.
This week, El-Sayed finally “left this hell, [she] was able to come out, and was given another chance to live, and the only thing to help [her] survive this survivor’s guilt was continuing to speak about Gaza from the outside.”
The first time El-Sayed cried was not when she had to flee her home, or watch her colleagues be killed around her, but only when she realised in succeeding as a journalist, she failed as a mother.
Her daughter had screamed at her: “They’re going to kill us because of you!” This came after she had received a phone call from an Israel Defence Force officer warning her to leave Gaza or be killed.
However, when asked why she keeps reporting in such terrifying conditions, El-Sayed said: “the feeling of bitterness…that taste of abandonment by the world, for me as Youmna, was enough motivation to keep going. And I know for so many other colleagues it is that motivation [too].”
Where she lost her professional sense of duty, she found her humanitarian one because of the “hundreds of thousand of innocent who depend on [her]. But, no matter what, she still mourns the loss of her soul that will forever be buried in Gaza.
El-Sayed reminded journalists that they are the voice for the voiceless, and silencing them means silencing millions of civilians, thereby denying a basic human right to massive portions of the world.
FEATURED IMAGE: Youmna El-Sayed is the face of journalists in Gaza, and she tells their stories in partnership with Salaamedia who held a press conference on Wednesday, August 21, at Hyatt House in Sandton. Photo: Victoria Hill
Following the resignation of Kabelo Gwamanda, the African National Congress’s Dada Morero has been elected the mayor of Johannesburg – again.
In a lengthy council meeting at the Metro Centre in Braamfontein on Friday, August 16, Dada Morero was voted in as the newest Mayor of Johannesburg.
This follows the resignation of Al Jama-ah’s Kabelo Gwamanda, who was increasingly unpopular among city residents who were unsatisfied with his leadership.
Morero received 189 votes. His only competition, Democratic Alliance caucus leader Belinda Kayser-Echeozonjoku, garnered 60 votes, well below the necessary 135 votes needed. This will be Morero’s second stint as the city’s mayor. He was in the role for just 25 days in 2022, squished between the two tenures of the DA’s Mpho Phalatse.
Dada Morero with Kabelo Gwamanda and Thapelo Amad. Photo: Kabir Jugram.
Morero will be Joburg’s fifth Mayor since the 2021 local government elections. The rotating door of mayors has been detrimental to the governance of the city, stalling crucial infrastructure and repair projects.
Since the 2021 local government elections, the opening of a R588-million Forensic Pathology Services lab has been pushed back and delayed numerous times. The last deadline set, June 30, 2024, has also been missed.
Nonetheless, in his acceptance speech, Morero promised Joburg will become a “construction site” and a place of growth after years of neglect and mismanagement.
Morero ended his speech by announcing his lineup of mayoral committee members, surprisingly including Speaker of the House, Margaret Arnolds. She has resigned from her position to take up her new office as MMC of Group Finance.
The only other change made was the appointment of ex-Mayor Kabelo Gwamanda as the new MMC of Community Development.
Morero seemed certain in his speech that his tenure as Mayor would last until 2026, when the next local government elections will occur. While a hopeful message and certainly one reflective of Morero’s positive attitude, the statistics on Joburg Mayors do not inspire confidence.
FEATURED IMAGE: Dada Morero giving his inauguration speech.Photo: Kabir Jugram.
President Cyril Ramaphosa recently signed the Expropriation Act which resulted in President Donald Trump posting a tweet about how the South African government is confiscating land from certain classes of people, therefore he will stop all future funding for South Africa as this, according to him is a human rights violation. In this episode, Siyanda […]