Nearly 30 years into democracy, the city of gold’s residents face the harsh reality of a broken service delivery system.
Imagine living in a city that was once hailed as the economic titan of Africa but is now subject to the daily indignity of deteriorating infrastructure. Even after 30 years of democratic governance, persistent power cuts, erratic water supplies, roads riddled with potholes, and uncollected garbage have become unfortunate realities for many Johannesburg residents. The aspirational goals of equality, liberty and socioeconomic progress appear increasingly unattainable to some people.
For individuals like Maureen Ncube, this is the hard truth. “We are struggling, we do not have electricity,” Ncube says. “We are stranded in the informal settlements.” In Kanana Extension Four – an informal settlement located northeast of central Johannesburg in Rabie Ridge – Ncube, a mother of eight, lives in a humble home where poor service delivery makes it challenging for her to manage her daily tasks. Her home – built from discarded materials and sheets of corrugated iron – sits just a few feet away from a stream of sewage.
It’s a typical Saturday morning in the settlement, alive with the sounds and colours of township life. The scene is both vibrant and unsettling. Outside Ncube’s home, the stench of sewage is overpowering: a mix of decaying waste, stagnant water and rotting refuse, with dead rats occasionally floating by. The communal tap stands right next to the sewage, forcing residents to fetch water while the smell lingers heavily in the air. Children run around barefoot, oblivious to the health risks that lie in the murky water they splash through.
Residents are left in the dark on certain days when the electricity is totally cut off. In addition, they must frequently go without water on days when the supply runs out due to leaking communal taps. Like millions of other Jo’burg residents, Ncube and her children rely on these basic services to survive. With every dry tap, power outage and pile of uncollected garbage, she is reminded of just how much Johannesburg’s service delivery has failed its people.
Numerous locals such as Ncube face a daily dilemma: either deal with water scarcity or spend money on expensive private water supplies. Their physical health is negatively affected by the unreliability of critical services, and their everyday lives are overshadowed by the emotional toll of living in uncertainty. As they negotiate a system that has repeatedly let them down, families are left anxious by the constant fear of upcoming power outages or water problems.
The establishment of municipal state-owned entities
The Municipal Systems Act gave rise to organisations like City Power and Johannesburg Water in the early 2000s. Section 73(1)(c) of the Act emphasises that municipalities must ensure “universal access to essential services that are affordable to all” and move progressively toward “the provision of basic services to all our people, specifically the poor and disadvantaged”. The Act saw Johannesburg Water and City Power as essential providers of reliable and reasonably priced services that supported the constitutional goal of fostering equitable development.
City Power and Johannesburg Water were expected to adhere to the Act’s mandates for financial sustainability and community engagement. Section 73(2)(b) requires that municipalities provide services “in a financially and environmentally sustainable manner”. Despite their mandates to offer affordable services, City Power and Johannesburg Water have encountered both financial and operational challenges. Mismanagement and rising expenses have made it more difficult for these organisations to achieve their initial objectives.
A Kanana resident tries to navigate through the uncollected waste. Picture: Rivaldo Jantjies.
What went wrong?
City Power and Johannesburg Water were established to improve service delivery in Johannesburg; however, they have not met their objectives. The Municipal Systems Act, section 95(c), mandates municipalities to maintain sound financial management to ensure sustainable services. However, these state-owned entities have been embroiled in corruption and mismanagement.
An August City Press article reported that auditor-general Tsakani Maluleke’s 2022-23 report raised significant concerns about financial mismanagement in the City of Johannesburg. The City retained its previous year’s unqualified audit opinion with findings, yet issues of poor financial management persisted, according to City Press. In addition, a July Mail & Guardian report highlighted allegations that City Power and Pikitup have been heavily tainted by corruption and political interference. Prominent ANC leaders are accused of compromising public services by capturing the city-owned companies for their own benefit. Investigations into the entities are under way for anomalies in tenders that led to poor service delivery. Patronage networks have allegedly been strengthened by these actions, which are believed to have enriched certain politicians at the expense of taxpayers and the construction of vital infrastructure.
Section 73(2)(c) of the Municipal Systems Act requires services to be financially and environmentally sustainable, but the deteriorating infrastructure suggests otherwise. For instance, Coronationville has faced weeks without water, leading to protests as frustrated residents demand their basic rights. A recent Daily Maverick report found that Coronationville depends on the Hursthill 1 Reservoir, which is facing severe operational challenges and structural decay, resulting in major water losses. Similar issues plague Kanana, where residents endure recurring blackouts and broken water-supply systems, despite the initial goal outlined by these state-owned entities to provide equitable service delivery. The common thread for these failures is a lack of transparency and accountability.
Political analyst Ebrahim Harvey argues that service-delivery issues in Johannesburg stem from external pressures placed on local leadership. According to Harvey, the World Bank played a role in pushing ANC councillors and officials toward restructuring municipal services in the early ’90s. He adds, “The World Bank is the place that put pressure on the ANC councilors and leadership to go the route to collapse all the services in the municipalities.” The foundation for future initiatives and economic changes in South Africa was established by the World Bank as early as the 1990s. To prepare South African officials for the Bank’s possible participation in local projects, should an interim government request this, the Bank held policy seminars and capacity-building workshops, as well as conducting informal economic research.
The consequences for Johannesburg residents
Two Kanana residents, Moitheri Tau and Tembi Elizabeth Mokwele, publicly voice their dissatisfaction and disenchantment with the city’s inadequate services.
Tau, who has lived in the area since 1993, describes a daily struggle for electricity and safety. She explains that residents connect power cables to a nearby transformer. “We don’t have electricity and the service delivery is poor. We connected ourselves illegally after City Power disconnected us,” she admits, pointing out the dangers of living without basic services. “Our children use candlelight to study, but when they fall asleep, the candles set the shacks on fire. One burning shack can cause 14 more to catch fire,” she says.
Mokwele emphasises the unsanitary conditions in which they live. “There’s dirty water everywhere and it makes our children sick,” she says, sitting outside her home. She is enjoying a lively conversation with her neighbors, laughing and cracking jokes, despite the dire situation. Mokwele speaks of her frustration with the government’s repeated promises during election cycles, only for these promises to be forgotten afterwards. “We vote and every time they promise us better living conditions, but nothing happens,” she says.
Both Tau and Mokwele, like many other residents, are desperate for change, pleading for electricity, RDP housing and basic services to ensure their safety and dignity.
The frustration with Johannesburg Water and City Power is not limited to informal settlements, but extends across the city. On Johannesburg Water’s X page, complaints are rampant. One resident expressed outrage after being left without water for days, saying, “We have no water for two days! You just shut off the water without any plan. It’s ridiculous and unacceptable.” Another user echoed this sentiment, frustrated by the repeated failures: “You clearly don’t serve Jo’burg… Why is it taking so long? Why can you never get it fixed correctly the first time?”
The alarming decay of Johannesburg’s water infrastructure is driving the city toward a potential ‘Day Zero’. This raises serious concerns about management and upkeep. In June News24 reported that Rand Water’s maintenance problems make it difficult for Johannesburg Water to satisfy demand, which leads to frequent supply interruptions. The prolonged timescale for these upgrades raises concerns, even while efforts are being made to enhance and modernise water infrastructure to mitigate these problems. Why has it taken so long to fix and improve vital water infrastructure that millions of people depend on every day after more than 30 years of democracy?
Similarly, the City Power X page is filled with complaints from residents affected by constant power outages. One exasperated user shared their frustration, saying, “Every week it’s the same story… whenever Kanana has no power, we are also affected – this is ridiculous! Matriculants are writing exams, how are they supposed to study?” Another commenter highlighted the effect on their livelihood: “Getting fired for always making the same electricity excuse. Working from home is a nightmare.” These posts reflect the widespread discontent across Johannesburg, as both water and electricity services fail to meet residents’ most basic needs.
Kanana household’s illegal electricity connections hang over an informal pathway. Picture: Rivaldo Jantjies
Rising frustration and economic effects
In vulnerable communities like Kanana, the breakdown of service delivery in Johannesburg has aggravated socioeconomic disparities. Dr Morné Oosthuizen, chief research officer at the Development Policy Research Unit of the University of Cape Town, explains that whereas wealthier households can adapt by installing solar panels or purchasing bottled water, poorer households are left with no such alternatives. “Poor households are much more constrained than better-off households in their ability to insulate themselves from poor service delivery,” Oosthuizen notes. This inability to access basic services not only deepens inequality, but also compromises efforts to reduce multidimensional poverty. As Oosthuizen puts it: “Basic services typically serve to reduce inequalities – if you look at multidimensional poverty [and] inequality measures, which include these kinds of services, you will see relatively low rates of multidimensional poverty and lower inequality levels.”
The collapse of infrastructure also raises operating costs for businesses. Oosthuizen says, “There is real potential for this phenomenon to raise costs for employers – for example, they need to install solar panels, or they need to repair vehicles more frequently because of higher wear and tear – putting pressure on their ability to remain competitive.” This added burden weakens local economies, further limiting employment opportunities and driving up costs for businesses already struggling to cope with unreliable services.
In the long term, Johannesburg’s infrastructure problems are discouraging business investment and pushing skilled labour out of the city. The South African Chamber of Commerce and Industry business confidence index for July 2024 reflects this sentiment, showing only a marginal improvement of 1.8 index points from the previous year – a gain too modest to counteract the ongoing concerns about local infrastructure and utility reliability. Oosthuizen emphasises that service-delivery failures can serve as a “push factor”, driving businesses to relocate. “Where businesses do not need to be located in Johannesburg, poor service delivery encourages businesses to relocate elsewhere,” he says. This potential exodus of both businesses and workers threatens to further erode Johannesburg’s economic stability, affecting not only established companies, but also informal businesses reliant on formal-sector earnings. Oosthuizen says, “This can undermine local economies, also through the impact of a weakened formal sector (and earnings from the formal sector) on the informal sector.”
Ncube and other Johannesburg residents deserve better. The city’s inability to supply basic utilities like safe power and clean water is a catastrophe that has to be addressed immediately. It’s time to invest in this city’s future and end the cycle of neglect.
Residents of Kanana share their daily struggles of service delivery. Video: Rivaldo Jantjies
FEATURED IMAGE: A visual representation of a dripping communial tap in Kanana. Photo: Rivaldo Jantjies.
The Ahmed Kathrada Foundation, OUTA, and other civil society organizations continue the search for justice for Babita Deokaran’s assassination, while politicians dither and delay.
At a small Baptist church in the suburb of Mondeor, Johannesburg, a crowd gathered on August 23, 2024, to remember Babita Deokaran three years after her assassination.
Babita Deokaran was gunned down in the driveway of her home in 2021, just three weeks after flagging R850 million in irregular payments at Tembisa Hospital. Beyond sentencing the six gunmen who conducted the assassination, no paymaster has been found or charged.
As a result, this remembrance has occurred every year since her murder, as both a support mechanism for her family and a platform to demand justice for Deokaran.
Ahmed Kathrada Foundation Executive director, Neeshan Balton, calls it an “accountability forum”, where Gauteng politicians are invited every year to speak on the progress of the investigation and answer questions the family may have.
Neeshan Balton, Wayne Duvenage, Vuyiswa Ramokgopa, Andy Mothibi, Mark Heywood, and Trene Poragadu. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
Speaking to Wits Vuvuzela, Balton expressed his disappointment at the government’s response to Babita’s assassination. “I don’t even think any senior Gauteng official met with her family”, he said, which the family later confirmed. “The Gauteng provincial government have just been…unconcerned.”
While Balton noted that “the SIU [Special Investigations Unit] have been exemplary” in their continuation of Babita’s corruption investigation, he says that most officials involved in the case have made promises but “kept none of them”.
SIU boss, Adv. Andy Mothibi, came to speak at the event, as he has done every year. He noted that the value of irregular payments has risen from the original R850 million to a staggering R2.2 billion. He confirmed that the “syndicates involved [at Tembisa hospital] are involved in other hospitals” as well – this is far from an isolated incident.
Activist and journalist, Mark Heywood, agreed with Adv. Mothibi’s assessment. “Tembisa hospital is the rule, not the exception”, he said. Corruption syndicates that exploit tender processes like this are everywhere in the Gauteng Health Department.
Gauteng MEC for agriculture and rural development, Vuyiswa Ramokgopa, attended the remembrance not in her political capacity, but as a concerned citizen. She spoke to the “micro-corruptions” that exist in everyday life in South Africa that snowball into massive abuses of power and government corruption.
Babita Deokaran was a woman of integrity, Ramokgopa declared, and integrity is “the willingness to speak truth, even when it is not easy.” Speaking the truth should not cost one their life, however.
While Babita Deokaran died fighting against corruption, and for the constitutional right to healthcare, today there is also a daughter missing her mother; cousins missing their aunt; a home that is less bright.
The family and civil society organizations hope that by August 23, 2025, justice will be served.
FEATURED IMAGE:OUTA members dancing and singing at the remembrance. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
Following the resignation of Kabelo Gwamanda, the African National Congress’s Dada Morero has been elected the mayor of Johannesburg – again.
In a lengthy council meeting at the Metro Centre in Braamfontein on Friday, August 16, Dada Morero was voted in as the newest Mayor of Johannesburg.
This follows the resignation of Al Jama-ah’s Kabelo Gwamanda, who was increasingly unpopular among city residents who were unsatisfied with his leadership.
Morero received 189 votes. His only competition, Democratic Alliance caucus leader Belinda Kayser-Echeozonjoku, garnered 60 votes, well below the necessary 135 votes needed. This will be Morero’s second stint as the city’s mayor. He was in the role for just 25 days in 2022, squished between the two tenures of the DA’s Mpho Phalatse.
Dada Morero with Kabelo Gwamanda and Thapelo Amad. Photo: Kabir Jugram.
Morero will be Joburg’s fifth Mayor since the 2021 local government elections. The rotating door of mayors has been detrimental to the governance of the city, stalling crucial infrastructure and repair projects.
Since the 2021 local government elections, the opening of a R588-million Forensic Pathology Services lab has been pushed back and delayed numerous times. The last deadline set, June 30, 2024, has also been missed.
Nonetheless, in his acceptance speech, Morero promised Joburg will become a “construction site” and a place of growth after years of neglect and mismanagement.
Morero ended his speech by announcing his lineup of mayoral committee members, surprisingly including Speaker of the House, Margaret Arnolds. She has resigned from her position to take up her new office as MMC of Group Finance.
The only other change made was the appointment of ex-Mayor Kabelo Gwamanda as the new MMC of Community Development.
Morero seemed certain in his speech that his tenure as Mayor would last until 2026, when the next local government elections will occur. While a hopeful message and certainly one reflective of Morero’s positive attitude, the statistics on Joburg Mayors do not inspire confidence.
FEATURED IMAGE: Dada Morero giving his inauguration speech.Photo: Kabir Jugram.
South Africa is proud of its hard-won democracy – and yet some South African citizens would dispense with it, in exchange for better services. Can a state be called a democracy if no one believes in it?
In many nations worldwide, democracy is the only game in town. So entrenched are democratic values in their systems that it seems impossible to consider an alternate form of government.
And yet in South Africa, a relatively young democracy, 72% of citizens would be willing to forgo elections if a non-elected government could provide employment, housing, and security.
Unemployment, followed by crime, electricity, water supply, and corruption are considered the most pressing issues facing South Africans – all of which have been promised to be fixed, but not delivered on for the last thirty years.
People are clearly drawing a link between failing public services and the (dis)functionality of democracy. This is amplified by the fact that, according to the same Afrobarometer survey, 63% of South Africans do not feel close to any political party.
According to these facts, most South Africans do not feel represented by their politicians, nor do they feel served by them. This is unsurprising to anyone who has been paying attention to local politics in the last few years.
In the 2024 national elections, South Africans showed their disillusionment with democracy, with over 11 million voters not bothering to vote and an all-time low voter turnout. These sad statistics point to a decline in the belief that voting makes any difference.
I can’t fault anyone for assuming the democratic system is the issue. One of the supposedly most democratic countries on earth, The United States, consistently silences the voices of its citizens by manipulating voter districts, filibustering the senate to stall popular bills being passed, and allowing Super PACS to fund election campaigns with dark money.
How can anyone be expected to believe in democracy if this is one of its most ‘prime’ examples?
While I’m aware of our democratic government’s numerous failings, I still believe in democracy. This is because what most people understand democracy to be is a watered down, exploited version of its true form.
Many liberal democracies today are bogged down by bureaucratic processes and swayed by the power of corporate interests. These systems, with their dysfunctionality and inequality, should not be looked to as examples of ‘real’ democracy.
According to Helende Landemore, real democracy—democracy that actually delivers on its aims—emerges by bringing popular deliberation and crowd wisdom into the political realm. It only functions through popular participation, and is fashioned by the majority, not from the top-down.
In an unequal country such as South Africa, ‘real’ democracy then faces the hurdle of an all-powerful minority and a disenfranchised majority. However, this sort of democracy does exist on the outer edges of our society, in grassroots organizations and local politics.
In his book, Amakomiti: Grassroots Democracy in South African Shack Settlements, Trevor Ngwane sheds light on the direct, non-hierarchical forms of democracy that exist in shack settlements across the country.
Community groups come together to provide for and defend their members, become self-sufficient, and focus on social development on their own terms. Ngwane calls this “democracy on the margins,” but emphasizes it could come to serve all of us in society.
Would more South Africans believe in democracy if ours functioned differently? I certainly hope so. It is South Africa’s overall lack of development that gives democracy a bad name, not the system itself.
So, while South Africa and other countries continue to call themselves true democracies, it is imperative to remember that some democracies are more equal than others, and that only we should ever hold the power to decide our futures.
FEATURED IMAGE: Ruby Delahunt. Photo: Leon Sadiki.
Protestors gathered in Marshalltown to highlight the plight and neglect of survivors from the 2023 tragedy.
Almost six months after a devastating fire, survivors say they have been left worse off. Now, the ‘Marshalltown Fire Justice Campaign’ (MFJC) has made a demand for adequate housing for the group.
The MFCJ organized a march to demand adequate housing for fire survivors. Photo: Kabir Jugram
Residents of the Denver settlement, just outside of the Johannesburg CBD, were led by the MFJC on April 26, 2024, as they approached the doorsteps of provincial power.
No one met the group at Mayor Kabelo Gwamanda’s office, but a representative, Puleng Chabane who is the deputy director of rapid responses accepted the memorandum of demands at Gauteng Premier, Panyaza Lesufi’s office.
The MFJC was initially established to give support to victims of the Usindiso building fire on August 31, 2023, that claimed 77 lives and displaced hundreds.
According to General Moyo, a co-ordinator of the MFJC, those displaced by the fire have been made to live in poorer conditions.
A Denver settlement resident holds up a sign which reads: “Eliminate housing backlogs with decent houses”. Photo: Kabir Jugram
Protestors marching through the streets of Marshalltown. Photo: Kabir Jugram
“[The shacks] can collapse at any time because there’s heavy underground mining activity, and when there’s flooding the people cannot sleep!… Those one-room shacks are built with cheap materials,” he said.
The lack of security and overcrowding in the settlement has also made women more vulnerable to Gender-Based Violence according to Moyo.
Siphiwe Ncobo, a street vendor originally from Newcastle, lost her husband and child in the fire and has since been relocated to Denver. Despite a monthly R1 500 rental, she said there is no water, electricity and cooking facilities.
“The black working class in particular get to bare the scapegoating, blaming and bashing of the elite that is incapable of resolving the many crises of their system!”
Mametlwe Sebei
Ncobo also claims she has seen up to seven people share a one-room shack. “It’s a squatter camp, not a hostel” she said.
Speaking to those gathered, Mametlwe Sebei, president of the General Industries Workers Union and co-ordinator for MFJC, accused the government of ‘constitutional delinquency’ for failing to provide fire victims with their constitutional right to adequate housing.
Sebei claims the government uses foreign nationals as scapegoats for a lack of resources, despite the numerous dilapidated buildings in Joburg CBD that could be repurposed for the displaced.
“The black working class in particular get to bare the scapegoating, blaming and bashing of the elite that is incapable of resolving the many crises of their system!” proclaimed Sebei.
In that sense, the march was more than a demand for adequate housing. It was a collective voice of frustration aimed at a government that continues to neglect its poor.
Despite that, spirits were high as the crowd marched through the streets of Joburg CBD. The young and elderly alike could be seen dancing and whistling in the blazing sun, giving meaning to their chant as they proclaimed: “long live the spirit of Usindiso, long live!”
Co-ordinators of the protest explain the purpose of the march. Video/YouTube: Kabir Jugram
FEATURED IMAGE: Protestors Dance as they prepare to march to the mayor’s office. Photo: Kabir Jugram
Locals unite, in the north of the city centre, in JHB, to raise their voices to spotlight urgent human rights concerns.
A 5km march starting at the Old Fort building in Kotze Street, with the aim of fostering a collective action towards a more equitable and inclusive future, capped off this year’s Constitutional Hill Human Rights Festival.
Event organizers celebrate the success of the We; the People Walk, uniting communities for human rights and democracy Photo: Thato Gololo
The peaceful protest, organized by the Constitutional Hill, comes during the month of Human Rights and saw people march through Braamfontein on Sunday, March 24, 2024. The festival honours the memories of those who died in the 1960 Sharpeville Massacre.
Marchers held flags and posters with slogans like, “It’s your right to know it all.” Attendee, Princess Mkhwanazi told Wits Vuvuzela that she had fulfilled her responsibility as a civil citizen by partaking in the walk. “It’s for highlighting it to everybody, that as much as they (are) in their houses or at work, they also have human rights that should be respected, followed and adhered to,” Mkhwanazi said.
Marketing manager at the Constitutional Hill and Wits alumni, Joshua Sibeko, said, “What we stand for is that only the people of South Africa can change South Africa, if it was not for the people, South Africa would not exist.”
Other activities during the family-friendly festival included education on constitutional rights, film screenings, discussions, and taking people through the motions of voting on mock ballot papers.
FEATURED IMAGE: Locals march in unity, waving flags, during the We; the People Walk for South Africa’s Constitutional Democracy. Photo: Thato Gololo
Marijuana lobby group raises concerns about the signing of the Cannabis for Private Purposes Bill by President Cyril Ramaphosa at their annual indaba.
The Marijuana Board of South Africa (MBOSA) wants to delay the signing of the Cannabis for Private Purposes Bill as they argue that in its current form it fails to meet their needs and lacks clarity about uses.
Secretary Ras Thapelo Khunou Addressing attendees of the Indaba. Photo: Ane Davey
These concerns were raised at the sixth Marijuana Friendly Indaba, an event hosted on Human Rights Day, March 21, by MBOSA, at the Kempton Park Council Chamber, which allowed activists and enthusiast to ventilate their concerns.
The group plans to host a nationwide protest on the 4 May 2024, just 25 days before the national presidential election.
Beyond concerns, the indaba had a panel of speakers facilitating conversations on cannabis cultivation, consumption and community empowerment.
A range of issues also came from the floor, including but not limited to: the history of cannabis in South Africa, the economic empowerment of traditional cannabis farmers and indigenous communities and building relationships between community stakeholders like traditional healers and the South African Police Service.
Chairperson of the Cannabis Development Council of South Africa, Ras Garreth Prince, wrote a letter to the President Cyril Ramaphosa to reject the bill. In it, he urges Ramaphosa to not sign the bill, and send it back to parliament.
“The current iteration of the bill falls short of constitutional standards and fails to address the legitimate interests of the cannabis community,” emphasised Prince.
The letter written by him was accepted by the Indaba, as confirmed by Ras Thapelo Khunou, secretary of MBOSA, during the resolutions of the indaba.
The organisers of the protest, Dave Sewell and Candice Nel extended the invitation to all, “it’s inclusive of everyone, nobody’s excluded,” said the pair.
Bodies like MBOSA and the CDCSA are working hard to make the herb safely accessible and well-regulated for all South African citizens who consume cannabis for recreational, medical or religious purposes.
A national dialogue on stabilising coalitions in our democracy was held to find common ground; but was overwhelmingly met with disagreements, walkouts, and boycotts.
Picture this – it is 2026 and South Africa is on its tenth democratic president. Public confidence in the government is at an all-time low shown by well over half of eligible voters not turning out to vote.
Power and water cuts are frequent, wastewater treatment plants are spilling raw sewage into rivers and unemployment, inequality and poverty levels remain on an upward trajectory. Yet, no administration has enough power to implement policy or provide service delivery because another motion of no confidence is around the corner, threatening their tenuous positions in key national departments.
This hypothetical becomes a reality if coalitions at a provincial and national level operate similarly to coalitions in the country’s wealthiest city, Johannesburg.
Since the 2021 local government elections, Johannesburg has seen a revolving door of executives – five administrations in two years. Three of the five have seen partnerships with the African National Congress (ANC), Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) and other ideologically aligned parties. The other two seeing coalitions with the likes of the Democratic Alliance (DA), ActionSA, the Inkhata Freedom Party (IFP) and other largely anti-ANC and EFF parties.
This is why a dialogue on developing a framework for stabilising coalitions was hosted by Deputy President Paul Mashatile for political parties on August 4 to 5. However, it caused more friction than consensus – with an expert suggesting that a national referendum is needed for people to democratically decide how coalitions function before next year’s election.
Referendums are nothing new to our country in formulating a working democracy, as evidenced by the one in 1992, when (only) white voters indicated whether they supported the negotiations with newly unbanned political organisations, leading to the proposed end of the apartheid system.
In his analysis of the event hosted at the University of the Western Cape, a senior lecturer of political science and governance at Wits University, Dr. Kagiso Pooe, said that the dialogue did not provide a solid framework for stable coalition governments because “power politics was the main game.”
Quelling the chaos
In May 2023, a conceptual document was created by the Institute of Elections Management Services South Africa (IEMSA). The document identified the dysfunctionality of local government because of coalitions and provided suggestions to stabilise these marriages of convenience to best serve residents rather than party interests.
Instability at the local government level has “resulted in diminishing public confidence, poorer service delivery and allegedly millions of rands squandered.” as said by the author of the document Nkululeko Tselane.
However, coalitions are here to stay. The 2016 and 2021 election results in major municipalities showed no political party emerging with an outright majority. Something the ruling party is alive to, ANC secretary general Fikile Mbalula admitted: “We are fully confident that 2024 will result in not us or anyone having the outright majority to govern.”
The DA, ActionSA, IFP, Vryheidsfront Plus (VF+) and three other ideologically aligned parties have already signed a pre-election coalition pact with one another, in anticipation of this reality.
Infographic: These are the 2021 municipal results in metropoles of Gauteng, with no outright winner, each municipality was forced into unstable ‘marriages of convenience’ to achieve a 50% + 1 to form a government. Graphic: Seth Thorne
Blame game ensues
Although the consensus from parties was that they believed that the issues of coalitions stemmed from their formation, those hoping for an agreement on the way forward were left bitterly disappointed. This is because political party leaders sought to shift the blame of instability from themselves, rather than meet each other in the middle.
As has been the case at the municipal level, larger parties blamed smaller parties for the instability, and smaller parties pointed the finger right back.
The “[root of the issue is] not about the formation of coalitions, but the reality that politics in South Africa is failing and cooperation is going to be needed,” argued Pooe.
Thresholds and boycotts
The EFF boycotted the initial dialogue citing the “ANC’s involvement in the formulation of the framework… [is an] attempt to protect their fading grasp on power.”
The two current largest parties, the ANC and the DA, are suggesting implementing legislation which would ensure that the party that receives the most votes within a bloc governs the coalition. They also argue that should be a minimum threshold for parties to join any coalition (1%).
Pooe said this is an example of power politics on full display, and “gives insight into the fractured nature of power politics in South Africa, the ANC and DA in one corner and other smaller ones [in the other].”
Parties such as the VF+, Good, the African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP) and the United Democratic Movement (UDM) are strongly opposed to these legislative suggestions. Dr Pieter Groenewald of the VF+ said that these suggestions were “not based on true representative democracy.”
Pooe expected opposition given much of the country’s link to kingmaker politics at the local government level – which is a system where smaller parties generally decide the fate of larger parties. “[The opposition to the threshold] only makes sense [because] parties like them and others would want to negotiate what the new rules of the game might look like.”
It is important to note that these suggestions could inhibit the growth of other parties and arguably prove hypocritical from some of the contributors. “It’s rather odd that had… this proposed action occurred in 1994, there would be no DA today,” said Pooe.
The horse has bolted
Backlash arose when Cooperative Governance minister Parks Tau revealed that a bill on coalition governments was already in the process of being developed and is expected to be finished by the end of the year. Pooe believes that this lies at the heart of the problem.
Some parties are accusing the ANC and DA of sidelining contributions from smaller parties and using these dialogues as a coverup of a preexisting deal between the two largest parties in the country.
However, both parties refute this. Mashatile criticised the accusations from opposition parties arguing that “inputs saying that the ANC and DA have a grand deal… there is no deal.” Meanwhile, DA leader John Steenhuisen responded on social media saying “[The DA] want to build an opposition majority that will unseat the ANC, not keep (them) in power.”
In an open letter to Mashatile, UDM leader Bantu Holomisa slammed both the bill and dialogue: “… it is safe to assume that the Bill has, firstly, already taken into account the ANC’s basic ideas and secondly, it does not take into account the majority of opposition parties’ views on most issues, for example on the issue of thresholds.”
A way forward
Pooe believes a referendum is the only way forward. “We have had a multiparty approach, and to change the game so drastically needs a referendum. This referendum should speak to things like thresholds,” he said.
“Unfortunately, the ANC in government has a history of feigning public participation and then simply ramming through policy positions… and given the ANC and DA seem to have a spotted a chance to resolve their failures to map actual coalition talks, it only makes sense for them to create new barriers to entry,” Pooe added.
Coalitions are seemingly here to stay and legislation would shift how our democracy currently operates. With no real consensus amongst parties as to the way forward, maybe it is best for us, the everyday citizen that feel the negative effects of bad coalition deals, to be as decisive as possible at the polls come 2024 to decide how our democracy should operate and function going forward.
Summary of the views of each of the parties represented. Graphic: Seth Thorne
FEATURED: IEC officials alongside political party representatives counting the secret ballot votes at the Joburg City Council on May 5, 2023, electing its 5th mayor in two years. Photo: Seth Thorne
A group of South African opposition parties have signed a coalition pact ahead of next year’s elections and promised the electorate an “alternative government”.
Seven political parties signed an agreement ahead of the 2024 national election, they pledged to work together to unseat the African National Congress (ANC) and keep the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) out of power.
Party leaders labelled the two-day negotiations held at Emperors Palace in Kempton Park a “great success” as it resulted in the signing of acommon declaration labelled theMulti-Party Charter for South Africa.
This pre-emptive formation hopes to avoid the chaos seen in municipal coalitions across the country.
“If we want to unseat the ANC as a government then there is no other option because there is no single opposition party who on their own will get a majority [of the vote]… we must ensure that we work together [so] that we have a stable coalition,” said Vryheidsfront (VF+) leader Dr Pieter Groenewald.
The DA, IFP, VF+, ActionSA, Independent South African National Organisation (Isanco), United Independent Movement (UIM) and the Spectrum National Party (SNP) agree that this, “alternative government” as IFP president Velenkosini Hlabisa put it, would be one that promotes a free-market economy, decentralised power and minimal government interference in business.
Hlabisa argued that the bloc would be decisive on matters of “crime, unemployment, loadshedding…” because the “current government has failed us”.
No red and yellow here
ActionSA president Herman Mashaba signing his party’s declaration of intent to join the multi-party charter next to independent chairperson William Gumede as Emperors Palace on August 17, 2023. Photo: Seth Thorne
Parties are open to broadening the pool of partners in the months to come if they share their governing priorities and values.
Leader of ActionSA Herman Mashaba said that they ruled out any possible working agreements with the third largest party, the EFF because of fundamental ideological differences as they are a party who are self-described as following a Marxist-Leninist school of thought.
When asked if this agreement would push the ANC and EFF to form a coalition agreement of their own, parties shrugged it off, and Mashaba said, “they can do what they want”.
In response, EFF spokesperson Leigh-Ann Mathys told Wits Vuvuzela that the issues parties want to solve (like unemployment and poverty) are the same, however, their approaches are fundamentally and ideologically different. “We are unapologetically a leftist party [and are] willing to work with parties who would implement similar ideological policies,” said Mathys.
Who rules the roost?
The bloc is in agreement that power would be shared, relative to the proportion of votes counted. The party with the most votes was promised the position of deputy president.
But these candidates have not yet been chosen, Hlabisa said that deciding on a candidate before the elections would “give an unfair advantage to that party.”
Given the highly publicised squabbles amongst party leaders, a professor at the Wits School of Governance and independent chairperson of the convention, William Gumede, said that “[party leaders must] rise above petty squabbles, egos and every decision they make must be in the public interest.”
The ANC lost its overall majority for the first time in the country’s democratic history in the 2021 municipal elections, which gave rise to the idea that no political party will achieve an outright majority alone to govern, following 2024’s elections.
Parties argued that by setting the terms now (should they come to power) they are not left scrambling in the 14 days after the elections to form a united government.
FEATURED IMAGE: A collage of all of the party leaders of the multi-party charter during the closing remarks of the two-day conference at Emperors Palace on August 17, 2023. Photos: Seth Thorne
As the Economic Freedom Fighters celebrated turning double-digits, their party president did not hold back in his criticism of the ruling party during their birthday celebrations. Wits Vuvuzela’s Seth Thorne and Sbongile Molambo were there to watch it all unfold.
“It is not a matter of if, but when we are in government next year” (and variations thereof) were the utterances most echoed by the EFF party leadership on Saturday, July 29 at FNB Stadium in Soweto.
Over 100 000 EFF supporters from across the country traveled in over 1 000 buses, painting the stadium red as the EFF celebrated their 10th anniversary.
Aesthetically, the event was nothing short of a spectacle. The black stage on the pitch was adorned with massive screens, flowers, balloons and later in the day, fireworks, champagne and a birthday cake.
The invitation to the celebration extended beyond EFF members, with traditional leaders, artists and leaders of other political parties present on stage. These party leaders included Bantu Holomisa of the United Democratic Movement (UDM), who called on “opposition parties to unite as the ANC has “eaten the country’s money.” Others on stage included Vuyolwethu Zungula of the African Transformation Movement, Azapo and the Pan Africanist Congress.
EFF leadership from left to right: Omphile Maotwe, Floyd Shivambu, Julius Malema, Marshall Dlamini and Poppy Moilola cutting the birthday cake. Photo: Sbongile MolamboJulius Malema looks into the crowd as high-ranking party members make a toast for the party’s 10th birthday. Photo: Seth Thorne
Born out of need
EFF president Julius Malema’s speech began with the formation of the organisation, describing it as the directive of the community of Marikana following the 2012 massacre. “We listened to the people of Marikana and formed a party,” he said.
Malema called the ANC an “organisation of murderers”, who killed miners in “defense of capital” on that fateful day. Malema said president Cyril Ramaphosa belongs “in prison” for the massacre and the Phala Phala scandal.
Malema also made the friends and foes of the EFF aware that if “you are a supporter of a progressive agenda, you are a friend of the EFF”.
In their various ‘happy birthday’ messages, the speakers, including Holomisa and Zungula, all alluded to how the formation of the EFF has changed the political landscape of the country.
An isiXhosa traditional music group making their way to the stage to perform. Photo: Sbongile MolamboEFF supporters make their way onto the soccer field, wanting to be near the stage to see and hear proceedings clearly. Photo: Sbongile Molambo
Looking to 2024
The keynote speech was laden with electioneering talk, as Malema called for land expropriation without compensation, the nationalisation of mines, banks, and other strategic sectors of the economy.
Commenting on crime and corruption in the country, Malema called on the “ground forces [to] go reclaim the streets against criminals.”
Despite being in multiple coalitions with the ANC, he said the party is “corrupt” and should not be trusted with power, as it “has failed to emancipate its people,” he said. “Unlike the ANC, [the EFF do not] bribe voters” but rather attracts people “wanting freedom in their lifetime”.
EFF supporters passing around a coffin with ANC insignia as they are addressed by their party president on July 29. Photo: Seth ThorneAn unemployed university graduate holding a sign asking for government attention to the unemployment crisis. Photo: Seth Thorne
Malema also criticised the Nasi iSpani programme, led by Gauteng Premier Panyaza Lesufi. He claimed that applicants were not properly vetted and as such would lose their jobs in no time. He also claimed that the programme is an attempt to bribe votes out of young people.
Various party leaders called for a collective effort to unseat the ANC next year, especially though coalitions. “There is no future in this country if we do not work together… if we do not unite we will not win as the opposition parties next year,” said Zungula.
Mihlali Tyebisa from Wits’ EFF student command said that “the event was mind-blowing for many; it was a clear demonstration of what is to come.”
EFF members showing their support for party president Julius Malema at their 10th anniversary celebrations. Photo: Seth Thorne
EFF supporters dancing on the pitch after leadership called for people to be closer to the stage, to the confusion of security. Photo: Seth Thorne
EFF supporters displaying banner asking for help from the party as they face unfair dismissals by their employer. Photo: Sbongile Molambo
EFF president Julius Malema addressing the crowd of over 100 000 people at the party’s 10th birthday celebrations. Photo: Seth Thorne
UDM president Bantu Holomisa extends his congratulatory message to the EFF at its 10th anniversary at FNB stadium on July 29. Photo: Seth Thorne
Julius Malema hugging ATM president Vuyolwethu Zungula after his speech praising the work of the EFF. Photo: Seth Thorne
EFF’s security force guarding entry points into the pitch. Photo: Sbongile Molambo
EFF deputy president Floyd Shivambu greeting the masses as party leadership enter FNB stadium on July 29. Photo: Seth Thorne
One of the elderly people that came to support the EFF at its 10th anniversary. Photo: Sbongile Molambo
Sweet voices of Africa from the Eastern Cape opening the official program with the national anthem. Photo: Sbongile Molambo
Former chairperson of the EFF Dali Mpofu and pastor Makgale making their way to the stage. Photo: Sbongile Molambo
Former EFF MP Fana Mokoena makes his way through the crowd of supporters to the stage: Photo: Sbongile Molambo
FEATURED IMAGE:Julius Malema ends his speech with a bang as he is lifted into the air, with confetti and smoke machines going off on Saturday, July 29, as proceedings come to an end. Photo: Seth Thorne
Thousands of permanent Gauteng government jobs were advertised on youth day 2023, and with the ANC holding onto a slim majority of power in the province, they cannot afford to fumble this programme.
FEATURED IMAGE: Screengrab from the explainer video. Photo: Seth Thorne
Billions have been stolen from the state due to corruption and collusion, but many still don’t know how or why – this book seeks to change that.
Every day South Africans are feeling the brunt of over R49 billion of public money lost to state capture, as money meant for essential services has been used to enrich politicians and their networks.
On July 18, 2023,co-editors Mbongiseni Buthelezi and Peter Valelaunched the book at Exclusive Books, Rosebank. A discussion with three of the contributors interrogated how and why such a large amount of money was stolen since around 2008, when the Gupta brothers repeatedly secured lucrative deals with a number of key state-owned entities.
Contributors included professor at the Wits school of law, Jonathan Klaaren, researcher at the Public Affairs Institute Devi Pillay, and journalist turned researcher Reg Rumney.
(From left to right) Pater Vale, Devi Pillay, Jonathan Klaaren, Reg Rumney, and Mbongiseni Buthelezi discussing some of their key findings as to how and why state capture occurred at their book launch on July 18, 2023. Photo: Seth Thorne
Defining state capture
The definition of state capture itself was widely contested, as it presents differently in various parts of the world. What was agreed upon was that most countries have experienced some version of it.
Broadly defined, it is the process whereby private individuals (like the Gupta brothers) influence legislative and/or procurement processes through their connections to political actors (like former president Jacob Zuma).
Co-conspirators and the shadow state
Pillay focused on the middleman role played by professionals, such as auditors like KPMG, in state capture dealings. She said they “use their specific skills to benefit a third party” at the expense of the state.
“Professional firms legitimize corruption and operate secretly…with inherent conflicts of interest,” added Pillay.
Klaaren unpacked the concept of state capture as being the contestation of a constitutional and shadow state. The former is a state where the power of the government is limited by laws, while the latter is the power wielded by private individuals and vested interests, who can manipulate state apparatus.
Media capture
Rumney argued that by capturing the media, one could capture the minds and hearts of the public. This is exactly what the Gupta brothers sought to do so through their own media companies, including ANN7 and The New Age.
“People still value democracy, which is why authoritarians keep up the illusion of it” said Rumney. This was seen by the attempts at starving independent media of state advertising and taking over the ownership structures of “independent” publications (which the Gupta’s attempted to do) to control the narrative and evade accountability.
“A weakened media is much more prone to state capture…[however] private and donor funded media is why [the state is] still surviving,” said Rumney.
The evening concluded with questions from the audience, most of the which were if the country was fully captured. The panellists argued that only partially, as it is true that ailing institutions with massive budgets, like Transnet and Eskom were captured, however crucial institutions like the Treasury and the Reserve Bank were not – despite desperate attempts.
The panel warned that if these institutions fall victim to state capture, that is a fast track to a failed state.
FEATURED IMAGE: The product of 5 years of research, proudly displayed in front of a packed audience at its launch at Exclusive Books in Rosebank on July 18, 2023. Photo: Seth Thorne
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