National Dialogue exposes deep cracks between citizens and state officials, raises doubts about its impact.
Tensions rose during the launch of the National Dialogue at UNISA in Pretoria, where disruptions overshadowed the opening session.
Former President Thabo Mbeki, alongside several organisations and political parties, withdrew from the process over concerns about credibility.
Citizens and students voiced disappointment at what they described as exclusion and lack of genuine representation.
The first National Convention in Pretoria over the weekend was intended to begin shaping a shared national vision and create a space for forthcoming dialogue. However, the event revealed a clear disconnect between government officials and ordinary citizens.
Audience members during Day 1 of the first National Convention of the National Dialogue of South Africa at Unisa. Photo: Likho Mbuka
Proceedings on Friday, August 15, 2025, at the opening of the National Dialogue at UNISA in Pretoria, were interrupted when individuals not listed as panellists attempted to force their way onto the stage, demanding to speak before President Cyril Ramaphosa.
The event began with a welcoming address by UNISA Vice-Chancellor Professor Puleng LenkaBula, followed by a musical performance.
Tensions unfolded shortly after panellists were invited to the stage for the first engagement session before the president’s address.
While panellists representing the citizen-led National Dialogue roadmap – a framework drawn up by civil society groups and legacy foundations – were called to the stage, two men not on the list rushed the stage.
They demanded to speak ahead of Ramaphosa and other high-profile delegates. They were asked to respect the process and calmly escorted off the stage.
The day had already been marked by an earlier disruption when an attendee collapsed, prompting a brief pause while emergency personnel provided medical assistance. Delegates sang them off with struggle songs until order was restored.
The dialogue itself opened under a cloud of eleventh-hour withdrawals. Former President Thabo Mbeki, the Thabo Mbeki and FW de Klerk Foundations, several Government of National Unity (GNU) partners, and several civil society organisations pulled out of the process. Opposition parties, including the Democratic Alliance (DA) and Freedom Front Plus (FF Plus), also withdrew, accusing the African National Congress of hijacking the initiative for political gain ahead of the 2026 local government elections.
In an interview with Wits Vuvuzela, ANC spokesperson Mahlengi Bengu-Motsiri said,
“Our participation will be anchored in the values of the ANC, the resolutions of our national conferences, and the current lived experiences of our people,” she said.
Not everyone left convinced. Wits University first-year politics student, Sekhu Vivian Lerato, said she had hoped to witness inclusivity at work, but the disruptions only underscored her concerns.
“It felt more about political optics than citizens’ voices,” she said.
President Ramaphosa, however, cast the Dialogue in more optimistic terms, calling it “the real conversation” for South Africans to confront poverty, inequality, and poor service delivery.”
Whether the excluded voices will accept that invitation remains an open question.
FEATURED IMAGE: President Cyril Ramaphosa during Day 1 of the first National Convention of the National Dialogue of South Africa at Unisa’s Pretoria Main Campus. Photo: Likho Mbuka
In the space of just a few weeks, South Africa has been shaken by a flurry of political scandals, arrests, assassinations, and suspensions that read like the script of a crime thriller. But this is not fiction. From the corridors of government to the backrooms of political parties, we are witnessing either the collapse of our democratic institutions or the long-overdue reckoning with the criminalisation of politics. The real question is: is the rot finally being exposed?
One of the explosive claims made by KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi was that when Vusumuzi “Cat” Matlala was arrested, police discovered messages on his devices indicating he was receiving inside information from police “fixers”, including meetings arranged with suspended Police Minister Senzo Mchunu.
Cat Matlala, a name tied to shady tenders, including one linked to murdered whistleblower Babita Deokaran, has most recently received a tender with Tshwane SAPS. His case is not an outlier. It is part of a wider, disturbing pattern: police officials enabling criminal syndicates, with political figures complicit in the cover-up.
The suspension of Minister of Police Senzo Mchunu following Mkhwanazi’s damning claims is only the beginning. It is alleged that Mchunu protected criminal networks within the police turning the justice system into the very problem it should be solving. Journalist Mandy Wiener has called the positions of police minister and national commissioner a “poisoned chalice” and these revelations seem to prove it. Yet the idea of high-ranking police figures colluding with criminals is not new. Think Jackie Selebi and Radovan Krejcir. This is a cycle we have seen before.
Shortly after Mchunu’s suspension, Patriotic Alliance (PA) deputy leader Kenny Kunene, until recently a PR councillor in the City of Johannesburg, was found in the company of Katiso “KT” Molefe, the alleged mastermind behind DJ Sumbody’s assassination. Kunene claimed he was escorting a journalist – yet that journalist has never reported on what would have been the scoop of a lifetime: Kunene being found at Molefe’s house during the arrest.
Kunene resigned, and the mayor has claimed the city’s “hands are tied.” This incident is yet another glimpse into the entanglement of political office and gangsterism.
Meanwhile, Gauteng Police Commissioner Fannie Masemola is reported to have attempted to intervene in Matlala’s arrest corroborating Mkhwanazi’s assertion that parts of the police are proverbially in bed with criminals. The system is protecting itself.
This past week, the Minister of Higher Education, Nobuhle Nkabane, resigned after being accused of lying to Parliament’s portfolio committee regarding the appointment of SETA board members. Her resignation means she escapes the very accountability that parliamentary oversight was supposed to ensure.
These are not isolated incidents. The list grows longer: the assassination of whistleblowers and construction mafia figures, allegations within the ANC, U.S. Treasury sanctions, and a justice system that increasingly appears either captured or hollowed out.
It is no coincidence that as state capacity erodes, criminal networks rise. The ANC, weakened and divided, can no longer police its own ranks let alone govern ethically. Political office is being used to legitimise criminal empires. Today’s councillors were yesterday’s construction mafia bosses. And tomorrow’s ministers? Who knows.
So what? This erosion of the line between politics and crime puts South Africa on the brink. As citizens lose faith in democratic systems, they may begin to embrace authoritarianism or strongman figures who promise order through force. The Patriotic Alliance’s recent calls to reinstate the death penalty while its leaders are under scrutiny are telling.
President Cyril Ramaphosa has responded by firing some implicated officials and promising yet another commission of inquiry. But after years of unattended recommendations gathering dust on his desk, society has little reason to believe that justice will follow.
Firoz Cachalia, a former ANC politician and now a Wits law professor, has been appointed interim Police Minister. He enters a poisoned environment, one where few believe the rule of law still applies evenly. Will he win public confidence in a country where institutions seem broken?
This last month has exposed a web of criminality so vast and interconnected that each new scandal feels less shocking than the last. Viewed in isolation, these incidents may appear as individual failures but step back, and the picture becomes clearer: a democracy under siege from within.
We cannot afford to normalise this rot. The fight against corruption must be unrelenting – not just for the sake of good governance, but for the survival of our democracy.
Ongoing protests highlight the complicity of corporations operating in Israel or funding its military.
On July 25, the Wits Palestine Solidarity Committee and several other organisations picketed against companies supporting Israel.
McDonald’s, Google, Amazon, and Coca-Cola are among the mega-corporations complicit in the genocide.
Protestors spoke of the power of boycotts, divestment, and sanctions to advance the Palestinian struggle.
“Every time the media lies, a little child in Gaza dies!” and “hey hey, ho ho, occupation has got to go!” were two of the rallying cries heard on Friday, July 25, as the Wits Palestine Solidarity Committee led the latest in a month-long series of pickets.
Rainy and cold weather could not keep the group from showing up, again, to protest against corporations accused of funding and supporting Israel by operating in the country.
The picket formed part of the wider Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) Movement, a global, non-violent initiative formed in 2005 to promote divestment and economic sanctions against Israel. Much like the anti-Apartheid boycotts of the 1980s, the movement aims to secure liberation for Palestine through financial pressure.
“It’s so important that we keep on coming out because we know what it’s like to experience apartheid. What’s happening in Gaza has surpassed that, it’s gotten to the point of genocide. We cannot stop fighting. We need to keep on showing up,” said Nureen Salooji, a member of the Palestine Solidarity Alliance Youth League.
A mother and son chant calls to free Palestine. Photo: Mbali Khumalo
Members of South African Jews for a Free Palestine (SAJFP) attended, waving Palestinian flags and displaying banners that highlighted their solidarity.
“We’re here to express condemnation against Israel’s genocide against Palestinians and against the companies and countries that are complicit,” said Julia Hope from SAJFP.
“This week, we’re dealing with the reality of what forced starvation looks like, which is hundreds of children dying in Gaza. This is not just a famine by circumstance, it’s an active forced starvation,” she continued.
The location of the protest was strategic, taking place across the street from a McDonald’s branch and the Coca-Cola offices in Rosebank, on Oxford Road.
Protestors argued that an action as simple as purchasing a Big Mac makes everyday people, many unknowingly, complicit in funding a genocide.
Picketers on Oxford Street hold up signs protesting Zionism and the humanitarian crisis in Gaza. Photo: Mbali Khumalo
The BDS boycott list includes companies such as McDonalds, Coca-Cola, Amazon, Reebok, and several more food, technology and travel corporations. These businesses operate branches or franchises in Israel that have allegedly provided generous donations to the Israel Defence Force (IDF).
Some support the genocide more directly, with Amazon and Google having previously developed AI technology and computing infrastructure for the IDF in a $1.2 billion contract in 2021.
The struggle for a free Palestine is ongoing, and pickets will be continuing as Joburg residents add their voices to the global call to end violence in Gaza.
FEATURED IMAGE: A sign displayed by protestors calling on the public to boycott McDonald’s. Photo: Mbali Khumalo.
Young South Africans consider the intersections of freedom, art, and activism as a ‘new freedom’ is envisioned.
Thirty-one years into democracy, the question of what freedom truly means remains at the heart of South Africa’s national dialogue. On Thursday, June 26, the Nelson Mandela Foundation provided a space of reflection, resistance, and reimagining as young people from across the country gathered under the theme Born Free but Still Not Bound: Redefining Freedom for South African Youth.
June, known as Youth Month, honours the historic 1976 student uprising and continues to carry the weight of memory. But as many young people shared, the legacy of freedom is still unevenly felt. South Africa remains the most unequal country in the world, with economic hardships and social instability disproportionately affecting the youth.
Quoting her father, Amahle Invelo Jaxa, a passionate social activist, said being “legally free but economically excluded is no better than being in chains”.
Photo of the Dr Naledi Pandor at the podium on Thursday, June 26, 2025. Photo: Phenyo Selinda
“Yes, we are free to speak our minds, but who listens when unemployment is almost at 45%… when 60% of them have never had a job?” She stressed that memory must be a form of resistance. “An idea, unlike walls, cannot be locked down… As young people, we cannot afford to inherit struggle passively but must repurpose it to fuel our ideas and our art.”
Attendee, Marievonne Daya added: “Freedom cannot be measured just by the fall of apartheid alone; it must be stated in every day of our lives.” She mapped out today’s youth challenges of unemployment, crime, substance abuse, and mental health, and called on her peers to carry forward the unfinished struggle of 1976 for a better standard of living.
“Apartheid is a crude, sophisticated system of social engineering,” she said, drawing a comparison to Israel’s ongoing treatment of Palestinians. “The struggle and concept of resistance were enriched through young people’s leadership,” she added, naming icons like Solomon Mahlangu, Steve Biko, and Hector Pieterson. “If we don’t think of the rhetoric of what society we are trying to form, then we are building a dangerous society.”
Programme director and advocacy coordinator at the foundation, Nomahlozi Ramhloki, closed the event with a powerful reminder, “The thing about freedom in 1994 is that the work was only beginning,” she said. It would be a betrayal if we inherited a democracy and did nothing with it.
What unfolded at the Nelson Mandela Foundation was far more than a panel discussion. It lit a spark for the collective reawakening of young South Africans to boldly imagine a future where freedom is a lived experience.
FEATURED IMAGE: Photo of the Nelson Mandela Foundation logo
On May 21, 2025, the US government met with SA’s presidency to discuss key issues that threaten SA and the USA’s longstanding alliance.
This follows the first group of Afrikaner refugees being granted asylum in the USA under the executive order by President Trump.
False claims of white genocide and persecution continue to threaten the stability of social and political relations.
Earlier this year, President Donald Trump publicly addressed accusations of white genocide in South Africa, highlighting the Expropriation Act 13 of 2024 as proof of these claims. Trump followed this up by issuing an executive order granting Afrikaners refugee status in the U.S.A. Three months later, the first group of refugees departed from O.R. Tambo International Airport on Sunday, May 11.
AfriForum’s media manager, Ilze Nieuwoudt said: “AfriForum is not involved in the resettlement programme of the refugees but has been involved in the debate as it has developed over the past few months.”
The highly anticipated meeting happened on May 21 at the White House. Ramaphosa was accompanied by Minister of Agriculture John Steenhuisen, Minister of Trade, Industry and Competition Parks Tau and Minister in the Presidency Khumbudzo Ntshaveni. Interestingly, the entourage also included golfers Ernie Els and Retief Goosen, and billionaire Johaan Rupert.
During the meeting, Ramaphosa expressed “joy” and said he wanted to “reset the relationship between the United States and South Africa” due to the longstanding alliance.
Trump’s attempt to corner Ramaphosa and his delegates by playing video clips of Julius Malema singing the controversial, ‘Kill The Boer’ (an Apartheid-era struggle song) at an EFF rally was unsuccessful. Another clip included former president, Jacob Zuma singing ‘Dubula iBhunu’ (Shoot the Boer) at an ANC rally.
South African Research Chair in Mobility & the Politics of Difference in the African Centre of Migration and Society at Wits University, Dr. Loren B. Landau, said that by any standards, white Afrikaners do not face persecution.
“Individuals may face discrimination or threats, but if you look at landownership, employment, government leadership, and business, Afrikaners are overrepresented.”
Echoing Landau’s statements, Director of Wits University’s Centre for Diversity Studies, Professor Nicky Falkof, highlighted that legitimate refugees are still being excluded while privileged white Afrikaner refugees get the “red carpet treatment” from the U.S.A.
“The less airtime we give to these ridiculous, self-serving, hysterical, sensationalist far-right mythologies, the better,” Falkof asserted.
Worried of the risks and the potential fallout, Falkof warns that racial violence could be on the horizon, with retaliation from armed local far-right groups looming due to the current misinformation crisis that is radicalising their political stances and ideologies.
Ramaphosa addressed Trump’s misinformed claims as false and urged that Trump listen to South African voices, including those of his white friends in the room.
The meeting concluded on a hopeful note. Ramaphosa said that he still expects the U.S. to remain a key ally, especially with the upcoming G20 summit in November 2025.
FEATURED IMAGE: Digital artwork showing the flags of South Africa and the United States of America, with side-by-side portraits of President Cyril Ramaphosa and Donald Trump while a fire rages beneath them. Graphic: Katlego Makhutle
A new political society has its sights set on changing the dynamic of student representation in the university’s decision-making processes.
The uMkhonto weSizwe Student Movement is officially registered as a student society.
They plan to represent marginalised societies on campus.
Some students see MKSM as a chance for deeper political engagement.
As of May 20, 2025, the uMkhonto weSizwe Student Movement (MKSM) was officially registered as a political society at Wits University.
The Dean of Student Affairs at Wits University, Jerome September, confirmed that the movement met the requirements for registration. These include a constitution aligned with that of the Student Representative Council (SRC), a motivational letter, and at least 50 student signatures.
“Should there be a challenge in terms of the application, feedback is given, and they are allowed to appeal. The MKSM met the requirements and was thus approved,” he said.
Wits convenor, Mthembeni Mzobe, said the movement faced delays and only received approval during the moratorium period, which temporarily restricts political activity on campus.
“We arrived late. Now we need to sort out documents while other student organisations are hitting the ground,” he said.
Despite the delays, Mzobe said MKSM plans to engage communities often excluded from mainstream campus politics. “We will approach churches and traditional societies on campus. They have constituencies but no representation,” he added.
In an interview with Wits Vuvuzela, Regional MKSM convenor Nkuna Gift said their goal is to “empower students and provide a platform for their voices,” while aligning with the party’s national vision of economic transformation and social justice.
The national deputy coordinator of MKSM Siphesihle Sibande engages with students in front of the Umthombo Building. Photo: LikhoMbuka
In discussion with various students on campus, many welcomed the formation of MKSM, they said it reflects the diversity of political views on campus.
Third-year student Sindiswa Zondo said “It would be ignorant to think there can be space constraints. Wits students come from all walks of life.”
When asked whether MKSM would be contesting in the upcoming SRC elections, Mzobe declined to comment but said they would “expand political representation” on campus. The 2025 Wits SRC elections are expected to take place in September.
FEATURED IMAGE: A member of the MK Student Movement wears the party’s T-shirt on Wits campus. Photo: Likho Mbuka
When power stops fearing protest, silence wins. This is a wake-up call on how South Africa’s loudest weapon is being disarmed.
Democratic South Africa was born through struggle. Its foundations were laid not in conference rooms, but in the streets carved out by those who refused to be silent. From the 1976 protest against the government’s policy of using Afrikaans as a medium of instruction in schools for Black students to the 1994 apartheid conquerors who got the first taste of freedom, the story of this nation has always been written in protest.
We protested against apartheid. We protested against economic exclusion. We protested for transformation in our schools and our institutions. In each case, protest was the only language those in power could not ignore.
We are a people who know those in power only listen when they are threatened, often violently. And it has been the history of our country’s leaders who respond not to the polite murmur of petitions but to the thunder of marching feet and tires burning.
But what happens when even that language starts to lose its meaning?
Protests have become more frequent and more urgent, yet they are ignored. Communities rise to demand water, electricity, housing and dignity, and yet these demands are met with the same routine: a visit from officials, a statement to the media, and a fake promise of “investigations”. Then, silence.
These issues persist, the cycle continues, and people begin to feel that speaking out changes nothing.
We can all remember the protest of 1976 when young people confronted the might of the apartheid state with nothing but conviction and clarity. They stood together because they believed in the power of their collective voice.
More recently, #FeesMustFall reminded us that protesting could still unsettle the powerful, but even then, the demand for free, decolonised education was diluted, redirected, and largely ignored.
I think the problem today is that the protest itself is being neutralised. Institutions have learnt to co-opt movements, to divide people, and offer symbolic gestures while preserving the status quo by either suspending, expelling or even criminalising protest action. A meeting here and there, tools to manage dissent without ever dealing with the problem.
Along with the above, the rise of individualism has made people easier to divide. In the age of likes, followers, and branded activism, the collective power that once drove our revolutions is fast fading.
We are now in a period where movements become moments and action becomes content. And real transformation is replaced by representation without change.
Institutions, both political and academic, have learnt to exploit this. They divide and conquer, selecting a few voices to ‘engage’, elevating individuals while ignoring the masses. In doing so, they extinguish the flame of the collective, turning urgent demands into manageable noise.
This is how protest dies, not with suppression, but with performance. Not with silence, but with strategic listening.
The tragedy is that we are living in a time when protest is needed more than ever. Economic inequality continues unabated. Corruption is a daily headline. Basic services have collapsed in many communities. And yet, when people rise, their voices bounce off a system trained to survive outrage.
We must remember that protest is not a problem. It is a pulse. It tells us when a democracy is in distress. To dismiss or defang a protest is to allow injustice to deepen in silence.
The choice is simple: either we rebuild the collective strength that once brought down giants, or we continue to shout into the wind while power pretends to listen.
Wits University academic confronts the ongoing dispossession of Black communities in post-apartheid South Africa in new book.
Growing up under the shadow of stark inequality, Dr. Dineo Skosana developed a lifelong commitment to understanding and challenging the historical forces that shaped them. Now a lecturer in politics and researcher at the Society, Work and Politics Institute (SWOP) at Wits University, she weaves her academic and activist role around the themes of land, memory and social justice.
These are not just abstract ideas in her work, they are rooted in South Africa’s contemporary reality. “There’s a dangerous and growing discourse that says Black people don’t need land back, just jobs,” she says.
Dr. Dineo Skosana. Photo: Supplied
For Skosana, this narrative is both ahistorical and harmful. Her work consistently pushes back against such distortions, asserting that land is not only an economic asset but also a site of identity, heritage, and spiritual connection.
In her newly released book, No Last Place to Rest: Coal Mining and Dispossession in South Africa, Dr. Skosana reveals how coal extraction continues to dispossess Black communities, not just physically, but spiritually. “Dispossession is a continuing lived experience,” she explains. As South Africa faces both an energy crisis and an unresolved land reform debate, her book arrives at a crucial moment. It challenges whose knowledge and experiences are centred in national policy and how we define the meaning of land.
As a Black academic working in a historically white-dominated institution, Skosana has had to navigate systemic barriers. When she first entered Wits as a student, there were few Black South African lecturers. “Academia was associated with whiteness,” she recalls.
That legacy, she says, still lingers. “Many of us are challenging this,” she says. Urging senior African scholars to mentor emerging academics rather than gatekeep. “To bask in the company of European scholars can’t be our measure of success. We must build legacies with our communities and younger Black scholars.”
Her teaching is deeply informed by her research and by the knowledge of African communities themselves, co-producers of the insights she brings into the classroom. “Understanding the correlation between research and teaching maintains the integrity of what I teach,” she says.
Dr. Skosana’s journey is a reminder that academic spaces can be sites of resistance, and that knowledge especially when grounded in lived experience, remains a powerful tool for justice.
FEATURED IMAGE: Photo of No Last Place to Rest: Coal Mining and Dispossession in South Africa book. Photo: Supplied by Dr. Skosana
The IPID has dropped its charges against KZN’s Provincial Police Commissioner due to a lack of evidence.
The Independent Police Investigative Directorate (IPID) has officially dropped its charges against the Provincial Police Commissioner of KwaZulu-Natal (KZN). The case, launched on March 19, was a result of an anonymous tip off against Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi.
According to EyeWitness News, he was accused of having cleared allegations against a prison official, Feroz Khan, who was alleged to have interfered in a drug dealing case.
There’s been a lot of noise around Mkhwanazi lately. Under his leadership, KZN has seen a more assertive police force that isn’t afraid to take the fight to criminals. As recent as January 30, the police were involved in a shootout with Inanda West Gang, a notorious gang that has been terrorising communities in northern Durban.
Mkhwanazi has publicly declared war on gang crime and gun violence, with over 100 suspects getting killed during confrontations with KZN police units. It’s no surprise that figures like National Assembly Chairperson of the Portfolio Committee of Police Ian Cameron have raised concerns about the political undertones of the IPID’s case against Mkhwanazi.
There are questions worth asking. Was this ever really about justice, or just a way to sideline a cop who doesn’t play politics? The latest crime stats from the South African Police Service (SAPS), ranging from October to December 2024, show a 1.6% decrease in contact crime. KZN showed a significant decrease in murders by 9.5% amongst other contact-related crimes.
Some commentators have tried to paint his approach as ruthless and unduly lethal, with the DA leading the charge of pressuring SAPS to implement body cams for everyday operations. However, if that means showing up, cracking down on drug networks and, sending a clear message to criminals, then maybe it’s what the rest of the country needs to adapt to.
Recent data from the IPID in the fiscal year of 2023-2024 reported significant concerns regarding the use of force by the South African Police Service (SAPS) and they additionally reported 187 deaths resulting from police action in KZN, the highest in all provinces. This alarming number was countered by Minister of Police Senzo Mchunu, who argues that these were results of police acting in self-defence against suspects.
Law enforcement can’t be effective when it’s second-guessed at every turn by people who’ve never been put in highly threatening situations. Communities under siege from gangs and drug dealers don’t need long lectures, they need decisive action. Mkhwanazi has been open in recent interviews about the fact that being soft on crime simply doesn’t work in this country and he’s not wrong.
Perhaps, it is time we let more leaders like him do just that, even if we disagree with the methods at hand. A stronger law enforcement system is needed now more than ever, with a balanced reform of policing and law enforcement protocols. That will assist in ensuring that all crime is addressed fairly, immediately and without bias against SAPS.
FEATURED IMAGE: Katlego Makhutle. Photo: File/Paul Botes
Nearly 30 years into democracy, the city of gold’s residents face the harsh reality of a broken service delivery system.
Imagine living in a city that was once hailed as the economic titan of Africa but is now subject to the daily indignity of deteriorating infrastructure. Even after 30 years of democratic governance, persistent power cuts, erratic water supplies, roads riddled with potholes, and uncollected garbage have become unfortunate realities for many Johannesburg residents. The aspirational goals of equality, liberty and socioeconomic progress appear increasingly unattainable to some people.
For individuals like Maureen Ncube, this is the hard truth. “We are struggling, we do not have electricity,” Ncube says. “We are stranded in the informal settlements.” In Kanana Extension Four – an informal settlement located northeast of central Johannesburg in Rabie Ridge – Ncube, a mother of eight, lives in a humble home where poor service delivery makes it challenging for her to manage her daily tasks. Her home – built from discarded materials and sheets of corrugated iron – sits just a few feet away from a stream of sewage.
It’s a typical Saturday morning in the settlement, alive with the sounds and colours of township life. The scene is both vibrant and unsettling. Outside Ncube’s home, the stench of sewage is overpowering: a mix of decaying waste, stagnant water and rotting refuse, with dead rats occasionally floating by. The communal tap stands right next to the sewage, forcing residents to fetch water while the smell lingers heavily in the air. Children run around barefoot, oblivious to the health risks that lie in the murky water they splash through.
Residents are left in the dark on certain days when the electricity is totally cut off. In addition, they must frequently go without water on days when the supply runs out due to leaking communal taps. Like millions of other Jo’burg residents, Ncube and her children rely on these basic services to survive. With every dry tap, power outage and pile of uncollected garbage, she is reminded of just how much Johannesburg’s service delivery has failed its people.
Numerous locals such as Ncube face a daily dilemma: either deal with water scarcity or spend money on expensive private water supplies. Their physical health is negatively affected by the unreliability of critical services, and their everyday lives are overshadowed by the emotional toll of living in uncertainty. As they negotiate a system that has repeatedly let them down, families are left anxious by the constant fear of upcoming power outages or water problems.
The establishment of municipal state-owned entities
The Municipal Systems Act gave rise to organisations like City Power and Johannesburg Water in the early 2000s. Section 73(1)(c) of the Act emphasises that municipalities must ensure “universal access to essential services that are affordable to all” and move progressively toward “the provision of basic services to all our people, specifically the poor and disadvantaged”. The Act saw Johannesburg Water and City Power as essential providers of reliable and reasonably priced services that supported the constitutional goal of fostering equitable development.
City Power and Johannesburg Water were expected to adhere to the Act’s mandates for financial sustainability and community engagement. Section 73(2)(b) requires that municipalities provide services “in a financially and environmentally sustainable manner”. Despite their mandates to offer affordable services, City Power and Johannesburg Water have encountered both financial and operational challenges. Mismanagement and rising expenses have made it more difficult for these organisations to achieve their initial objectives.
A Kanana resident tries to navigate through the uncollected waste. Picture: Rivaldo Jantjies.
What went wrong?
City Power and Johannesburg Water were established to improve service delivery in Johannesburg; however, they have not met their objectives. The Municipal Systems Act, section 95(c), mandates municipalities to maintain sound financial management to ensure sustainable services. However, these state-owned entities have been embroiled in corruption and mismanagement.
An August City Press article reported that auditor-general Tsakani Maluleke’s 2022-23 report raised significant concerns about financial mismanagement in the City of Johannesburg. The City retained its previous year’s unqualified audit opinion with findings, yet issues of poor financial management persisted, according to City Press. In addition, a July Mail & Guardian report highlighted allegations that City Power and Pikitup have been heavily tainted by corruption and political interference. Prominent ANC leaders are accused of compromising public services by capturing the city-owned companies for their own benefit. Investigations into the entities are under way for anomalies in tenders that led to poor service delivery. Patronage networks have allegedly been strengthened by these actions, which are believed to have enriched certain politicians at the expense of taxpayers and the construction of vital infrastructure.
Section 73(2)(c) of the Municipal Systems Act requires services to be financially and environmentally sustainable, but the deteriorating infrastructure suggests otherwise. For instance, Coronationville has faced weeks without water, leading to protests as frustrated residents demand their basic rights. A recent Daily Maverick report found that Coronationville depends on the Hursthill 1 Reservoir, which is facing severe operational challenges and structural decay, resulting in major water losses. Similar issues plague Kanana, where residents endure recurring blackouts and broken water-supply systems, despite the initial goal outlined by these state-owned entities to provide equitable service delivery. The common thread for these failures is a lack of transparency and accountability.
Political analyst Ebrahim Harvey argues that service-delivery issues in Johannesburg stem from external pressures placed on local leadership. According to Harvey, the World Bank played a role in pushing ANC councillors and officials toward restructuring municipal services in the early ’90s. He adds, “The World Bank is the place that put pressure on the ANC councilors and leadership to go the route to collapse all the services in the municipalities.” The foundation for future initiatives and economic changes in South Africa was established by the World Bank as early as the 1990s. To prepare South African officials for the Bank’s possible participation in local projects, should an interim government request this, the Bank held policy seminars and capacity-building workshops, as well as conducting informal economic research.
The consequences for Johannesburg residents
Two Kanana residents, Moitheri Tau and Tembi Elizabeth Mokwele, publicly voice their dissatisfaction and disenchantment with the city’s inadequate services.
Tau, who has lived in the area since 1993, describes a daily struggle for electricity and safety. She explains that residents connect power cables to a nearby transformer. “We don’t have electricity and the service delivery is poor. We connected ourselves illegally after City Power disconnected us,” she admits, pointing out the dangers of living without basic services. “Our children use candlelight to study, but when they fall asleep, the candles set the shacks on fire. One burning shack can cause 14 more to catch fire,” she says.
Mokwele emphasises the unsanitary conditions in which they live. “There’s dirty water everywhere and it makes our children sick,” she says, sitting outside her home. She is enjoying a lively conversation with her neighbors, laughing and cracking jokes, despite the dire situation. Mokwele speaks of her frustration with the government’s repeated promises during election cycles, only for these promises to be forgotten afterwards. “We vote and every time they promise us better living conditions, but nothing happens,” she says.
Both Tau and Mokwele, like many other residents, are desperate for change, pleading for electricity, RDP housing and basic services to ensure their safety and dignity.
The frustration with Johannesburg Water and City Power is not limited to informal settlements, but extends across the city. On Johannesburg Water’s X page, complaints are rampant. One resident expressed outrage after being left without water for days, saying, “We have no water for two days! You just shut off the water without any plan. It’s ridiculous and unacceptable.” Another user echoed this sentiment, frustrated by the repeated failures: “You clearly don’t serve Jo’burg… Why is it taking so long? Why can you never get it fixed correctly the first time?”
The alarming decay of Johannesburg’s water infrastructure is driving the city toward a potential ‘Day Zero’. This raises serious concerns about management and upkeep. In June News24 reported that Rand Water’s maintenance problems make it difficult for Johannesburg Water to satisfy demand, which leads to frequent supply interruptions. The prolonged timescale for these upgrades raises concerns, even while efforts are being made to enhance and modernise water infrastructure to mitigate these problems. Why has it taken so long to fix and improve vital water infrastructure that millions of people depend on every day after more than 30 years of democracy?
Similarly, the City Power X page is filled with complaints from residents affected by constant power outages. One exasperated user shared their frustration, saying, “Every week it’s the same story… whenever Kanana has no power, we are also affected – this is ridiculous! Matriculants are writing exams, how are they supposed to study?” Another commenter highlighted the effect on their livelihood: “Getting fired for always making the same electricity excuse. Working from home is a nightmare.” These posts reflect the widespread discontent across Johannesburg, as both water and electricity services fail to meet residents’ most basic needs.
Kanana household’s illegal electricity connections hang over an informal pathway. Picture: Rivaldo Jantjies
Rising frustration and economic effects
In vulnerable communities like Kanana, the breakdown of service delivery in Johannesburg has aggravated socioeconomic disparities. Dr Morné Oosthuizen, chief research officer at the Development Policy Research Unit of the University of Cape Town, explains that whereas wealthier households can adapt by installing solar panels or purchasing bottled water, poorer households are left with no such alternatives. “Poor households are much more constrained than better-off households in their ability to insulate themselves from poor service delivery,” Oosthuizen notes. This inability to access basic services not only deepens inequality, but also compromises efforts to reduce multidimensional poverty. As Oosthuizen puts it: “Basic services typically serve to reduce inequalities – if you look at multidimensional poverty [and] inequality measures, which include these kinds of services, you will see relatively low rates of multidimensional poverty and lower inequality levels.”
The collapse of infrastructure also raises operating costs for businesses. Oosthuizen says, “There is real potential for this phenomenon to raise costs for employers – for example, they need to install solar panels, or they need to repair vehicles more frequently because of higher wear and tear – putting pressure on their ability to remain competitive.” This added burden weakens local economies, further limiting employment opportunities and driving up costs for businesses already struggling to cope with unreliable services.
In the long term, Johannesburg’s infrastructure problems are discouraging business investment and pushing skilled labour out of the city. The South African Chamber of Commerce and Industry business confidence index for July 2024 reflects this sentiment, showing only a marginal improvement of 1.8 index points from the previous year – a gain too modest to counteract the ongoing concerns about local infrastructure and utility reliability. Oosthuizen emphasises that service-delivery failures can serve as a “push factor”, driving businesses to relocate. “Where businesses do not need to be located in Johannesburg, poor service delivery encourages businesses to relocate elsewhere,” he says. This potential exodus of both businesses and workers threatens to further erode Johannesburg’s economic stability, affecting not only established companies, but also informal businesses reliant on formal-sector earnings. Oosthuizen says, “This can undermine local economies, also through the impact of a weakened formal sector (and earnings from the formal sector) on the informal sector.”
Ncube and other Johannesburg residents deserve better. The city’s inability to supply basic utilities like safe power and clean water is a catastrophe that has to be addressed immediately. It’s time to invest in this city’s future and end the cycle of neglect.
Residents of Kanana share their daily struggles of service delivery. Video: Rivaldo Jantjies
FEATURED IMAGE: A visual representation of a dripping communial tap in Kanana. Photo: Rivaldo Jantjies.
The Ahmed Kathrada Foundation, OUTA, and other civil society organizations continue the search for justice for Babita Deokaran’s assassination, while politicians dither and delay.
At a small Baptist church in the suburb of Mondeor, Johannesburg, a crowd gathered on August 23, 2024, to remember Babita Deokaran three years after her assassination.
Babita Deokaran was gunned down in the driveway of her home in 2021, just three weeks after flagging R850 million in irregular payments at Tembisa Hospital. Beyond sentencing the six gunmen who conducted the assassination, no paymaster has been found or charged.
As a result, this remembrance has occurred every year since her murder, as both a support mechanism for her family and a platform to demand justice for Deokaran.
Ahmed Kathrada Foundation Executive director, Neeshan Balton, calls it an “accountability forum”, where Gauteng politicians are invited every year to speak on the progress of the investigation and answer questions the family may have.
Neeshan Balton, Wayne Duvenage, Vuyiswa Ramokgopa, Andy Mothibi, Mark Heywood, and Trene Poragadu. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
Speaking to Wits Vuvuzela, Balton expressed his disappointment at the government’s response to Babita’s assassination. “I don’t even think any senior Gauteng official met with her family”, he said, which the family later confirmed. “The Gauteng provincial government have just been…unconcerned.”
While Balton noted that “the SIU [Special Investigations Unit] have been exemplary” in their continuation of Babita’s corruption investigation, he says that most officials involved in the case have made promises but “kept none of them”.
SIU boss, Adv. Andy Mothibi, came to speak at the event, as he has done every year. He noted that the value of irregular payments has risen from the original R850 million to a staggering R2.2 billion. He confirmed that the “syndicates involved [at Tembisa hospital] are involved in other hospitals” as well – this is far from an isolated incident.
Activist and journalist, Mark Heywood, agreed with Adv. Mothibi’s assessment. “Tembisa hospital is the rule, not the exception”, he said. Corruption syndicates that exploit tender processes like this are everywhere in the Gauteng Health Department.
Gauteng MEC for agriculture and rural development, Vuyiswa Ramokgopa, attended the remembrance not in her political capacity, but as a concerned citizen. She spoke to the “micro-corruptions” that exist in everyday life in South Africa that snowball into massive abuses of power and government corruption.
Babita Deokaran was a woman of integrity, Ramokgopa declared, and integrity is “the willingness to speak truth, even when it is not easy.” Speaking the truth should not cost one their life, however.
While Babita Deokaran died fighting against corruption, and for the constitutional right to healthcare, today there is also a daughter missing her mother; cousins missing their aunt; a home that is less bright.
The family and civil society organizations hope that by August 23, 2025, justice will be served.
FEATURED IMAGE:OUTA members dancing and singing at the remembrance. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
Following the resignation of Kabelo Gwamanda, the African National Congress’s Dada Morero has been elected the mayor of Johannesburg – again.
In a lengthy council meeting at the Metro Centre in Braamfontein on Friday, August 16, Dada Morero was voted in as the newest Mayor of Johannesburg.
This follows the resignation of Al Jama-ah’s Kabelo Gwamanda, who was increasingly unpopular among city residents who were unsatisfied with his leadership.
Morero received 189 votes. His only competition, Democratic Alliance caucus leader Belinda Kayser-Echeozonjoku, garnered 60 votes, well below the necessary 135 votes needed. This will be Morero’s second stint as the city’s mayor. He was in the role for just 25 days in 2022, squished between the two tenures of the DA’s Mpho Phalatse.
Dada Morero with Kabelo Gwamanda and Thapelo Amad. Photo: Kabir Jugram.
Morero will be Joburg’s fifth Mayor since the 2021 local government elections. The rotating door of mayors has been detrimental to the governance of the city, stalling crucial infrastructure and repair projects.
Since the 2021 local government elections, the opening of a R588-million Forensic Pathology Services lab has been pushed back and delayed numerous times. The last deadline set, June 30, 2024, has also been missed.
Nonetheless, in his acceptance speech, Morero promised Joburg will become a “construction site” and a place of growth after years of neglect and mismanagement.
Morero ended his speech by announcing his lineup of mayoral committee members, surprisingly including Speaker of the House, Margaret Arnolds. She has resigned from her position to take up her new office as MMC of Group Finance.
The only other change made was the appointment of ex-Mayor Kabelo Gwamanda as the new MMC of Community Development.
Morero seemed certain in his speech that his tenure as Mayor would last until 2026, when the next local government elections will occur. While a hopeful message and certainly one reflective of Morero’s positive attitude, the statistics on Joburg Mayors do not inspire confidence.
FEATURED IMAGE: Dada Morero giving his inauguration speech.Photo: Kabir Jugram.
In this episode, we explore the first principle of the Freedom Charter: “The people shall govern,” and ask what it means in modern South Africa. Through the voice of Thoriso Mogoru, a student who voted in the 2024 national elections and the insights of political analyst Prof. Daryl Glaser, we look at the gap between […]
