When power stops fearing protest, silence wins. This is a wake-up call on how South Africa’s loudest weapon is being disarmed.
Democratic South Africa was born through struggle. Its foundations were laid not in conference rooms, but in the streets carved out by those who refused to be silent. From the 1976 protest against the government’s policy of using Afrikaans as a medium of instruction in schools for Black students to the 1994 apartheid conquerors who got the first taste of freedom, the story of this nation has always been written in protest.
We protested against apartheid. We protested against economic exclusion. We protested for transformation in our schools and our institutions. In each case, protest was the only language those in power could not ignore.
We are a people who know those in power only listen when they are threatened, often violently. And it has been the history of our country’s leaders who respond not to the polite murmur of petitions but to the thunder of marching feet and tires burning.
But what happens when even that language starts to lose its meaning?
Protests have become more frequent and more urgent, yet they are ignored. Communities rise to demand water, electricity, housing and dignity, and yet these demands are met with the same routine: a visit from officials, a statement to the media, and a fake promise of “investigations”. Then, silence.
These issues persist, the cycle continues, and people begin to feel that speaking out changes nothing.
We can all remember the protest of 1976 when young people confronted the might of the apartheid state with nothing but conviction and clarity. They stood together because they believed in the power of their collective voice.
More recently, #FeesMustFall reminded us that protesting could still unsettle the powerful, but even then, the demand for free, decolonised education was diluted, redirected, and largely ignored.
I think the problem today is that the protest itself is being neutralised. Institutions have learnt to co-opt movements, to divide people, and offer symbolic gestures while preserving the status quo by either suspending, expelling or even criminalising protest action. A meeting here and there, tools to manage dissent without ever dealing with the problem.
Along with the above, the rise of individualism has made people easier to divide. In the age of likes, followers, and branded activism, the collective power that once drove our revolutions is fast fading.
We are now in a period where movements become moments and action becomes content. And real transformation is replaced by representation without change.
Institutions, both political and academic, have learnt to exploit this. They divide and conquer, selecting a few voices to ‘engage’, elevating individuals while ignoring the masses. In doing so, they extinguish the flame of the collective, turning urgent demands into manageable noise.
This is how protest dies, not with suppression, but with performance. Not with silence, but with strategic listening.
The tragedy is that we are living in a time when protest is needed more than ever. Economic inequality continues unabated. Corruption is a daily headline. Basic services have collapsed in many communities. And yet, when people rise, their voices bounce off a system trained to survive outrage.
We must remember that protest is not a problem. It is a pulse. It tells us when a democracy is in distress. To dismiss or defang a protest is to allow injustice to deepen in silence.
The choice is simple: either we rebuild the collective strength that once brought down giants, or we continue to shout into the wind while power pretends to listen.
Women for Change take their petition to the Pretoria Union Buildings in a call for justice against gender-based violence and femicide.
The group wants gender-based violence and femicide to be declared a national disaster
Over 1500 signatures in support of the call have been secured
Activists say a state of emergency would unlock key resources
The Women for Change movement took a stand on Friday, April 11, at the Union Buildings in Pretoria, to hand over their petition declaring gender-based violence and femicide (GBVF) a national disaster.
The non-profit organisation argues that the petition is the result of government inaction in the face of increasing cases of GBV. Despite the government adopting the National Strategic Plan on Gender-Based Violence and Femicide in 2020, “on the ground, we haven’t felt any difference,” said Sabrina Walter, the founder of Women for Change.
The handover of the petition is the culmination of a social media campaign which saw the organisation garner over 1500 signatures in support of its call.
The organisation’s website shows that 5 578 women and 1 656 children were killed between April 2023 to March 2024, with over 42 000 rape cases reported and an estimated 95% not reported. Above this, according to the second-quarter SAPS report for 2024 (between July and September), 12 764 sexual offences and 10 191 rape cases were reported, all in just three months.
“The silence surrounding these statistics is deafening, perhaps because the lives of women and children are undervalued in South Africa,” said Walter.
“We’d expect an emergency task force … urgent deployment of resources and funding … in cases of misconduct, we demand that police, court officials, and others be held accountable. The missing element is political will. There’s simply no urgency on this matter,” explained Walter.
Educator Lu Simatele, from Girls Against Oppression, agreed: “If you declare it [GBV] a National Disaster, it forces the government to legitimately look at it as an epidemic, legitimately look at it as a disease.”
Simatele said GBV needs to be tackled the same way the covid-19 pandemic was. “You know, for example, when covid-19 hit and they had to declare it a state of emergency, I think very much the same thing has to happen with gender-based violence because we really need to unlock emergency funding …adequate resourcing, multisectoral interventions, coordination, the police, health systems, the justice system, and not only do they need to be adequate, they need to held accountable but at a crisis level of importance and action because it is actually a crisis.”
Speaking about the impact they expect the protest to make Walter said, “If women see our government finally treating GBVF as the emergency it is, it will send a powerful message. You matter. Your life matters. Your voice will be heard, and we believe you. When systems are in place to support and protect, more survivors will come forward.”
FEATURED IMAGE: Women for Change logo. Photo: Supplied
Several unregistered students have embarked on a hunger strike to protest and fight for academic registration.
Poster reading, “We will not eat until all unregistered students are registered.” Photo: Siyanda Mthethwa.
The 2025 academic year at Wits University has begun, but some students haven’t been able to resume their studies and register successfully due to financial constraints.
In a statement, the university said 37 295 out of 38 000 students have registered, representing 95% of the eligible student population. In addition, over R2 billion in funding has been raised to assist students. While the university “is doing everything possible within its means to support students”, it “cannot erase all historic student debt fund” without risking bankruptcy.
Starting on 14 February 2025, a number of unregistered students spearheaded the protest for unregistered peers through a hunger strike.
Feziwe Ndwayana, an activist and Master’s student, who has been unable to register, is leading the charge. She believes that education is a right and that black students who are unable to register will be forced to “go back to the township, they must go back to the rural areas where they will become victims of crime.”
She said the peaceful protest is “ an expression of love for our country and all the poor black students on our campus. But also, it’s a symbol of the violence in the institution to deny ourselves food.”
Videos circulating on social media show Ndwayana and Siviwe Mafuna, another unregistered student partaking in the hunger strike, in a scuffle with campus control. The pair alleged that a prayer session with a traditional healer was interrupted.
In a different video seen by Wits Vuvuzela, campus control can be seen grabbing one of the unregistered students and violently escorting them out of the SRC offices.
Shirona Patel, Head of Wits Communication, questioned the motives of the hunger strike. “Please note that the two mature individuals in the SRC Boardroom who claim to be on a hunger strike are not registered students, nor SRC members. In fact, one was a former SRC President from about 10 years ago, who has worked as a journalist. They each have two qualifications from Wits and are now demanding funding for a third qualification. Is this fair? Should they not be paying their own way?” said Patel.
In response, Ndwayana said the hunger strike is bigger than the pair and is supported by solidarity groups such as Wits Palestine Solidarity Committee, and the Socialist Youth Movement (SYM).
Left to Right: Siviwe Mafuna, Feziwe Ndwayana, Mahlatse Letoka, partaking in hunger strike. Photo: Siyanda Mthethwa.
“The fact that we have work experience doesn’t mean that we must keep quiet in the face of injustice. And the fact that one was an SRC president (myself, by the way) here at Wits, it means that we are able to use our experience,” added Ndwayana
Patel said the university and the Wits SRC have had “productive meetings” on the matter and an estimated R9 million will be raised “by the end of the week (R4.5 million from students, matched by the University).”
Ndwayana claims this shows how unsupportive the SRC has been of their efforts. “What we’ve seen is them going behind our backs to meetings and taking money, like the one that you spoke about, taking money from the VC. When we had an agreement that we are in this fight together until all unregistered students are registered. Now, they are sellouts. because they’re going around taking money from VC and going off the course, having private conversations about us and not informing us.”
Ndwayana also claims that the SRC has taken ownership of the hunger strike. “Riding on the wave that we have created with our solidarity movement, going around saying that they’re part of the hunger strike, but none of them have been on a hunger strike. None of them have sacrificed eating. None of them have been with us. For a single day, none of them have asked about our well-being and how we’re doing,” she said.
Members of the SRC were approached by Wits Vuvuzela for comment on this accusation but have yet to respond. Instead, a public statement was issued on February 19, highlighting their solidarity with the strike and “academically deserving students” in need.
As of writing, the unregistered students are on their sixth day of the hunger strike and are hoping for a speedy resolution.
FEATURED IMAGE: Shirt reading: “We will not eat until all unregistered students are registered.” Photo: Siyanda Mthethwa.
Wildcat strikes have been outstripping protected strikes for years in South Africa and are only growing more frequent. What does this say about the state of our unions?
When thinking of ‘wildcat strikes’ in South Africa, one particular image comes forth in most people’s minds – Marikana, August 16, 2012, where 34 striking miners were murdered by the police, live on television for all the nation and the world to see.
This does not include the ten other murders that occurred during the strike, all results of the unbearable tensions between differing unions, workers, and the police.
And despite continuous striking for a month after the massacre, the miners still only ended up with a monthly salary of R11 078 – not the R12 500 they began the strike for; that blood was shed for.
Despite this brutal and horrifying example, wildcat strikes have become an even more regular occurrence on the local labour action scene since Marikana.
While they might differ in size, purpose, and action, wildcat strikes are generally defined as sudden, unauthorised strikes undertaken by workers on their own terms. The origin of the term is vague and unidentifiable, but these types of strikes usually reflect the nature of the animal, wildcats: unpredictable, uncontrollable, and vicious.
Under Apartheid, trade unions were exclusively white and not very powerful. With exceptions such as the 1973 Durban strikes, which demonstrated the potential power of a unionized, multiracial labour force, the Apartheid government made sure unions could not exert any political or economic power.
Coming out of Apartheid and into the dawn of democracy, however, unions surged in power and importance, especially in the political realm. Today, around 3.86 million workers in South Africa are union members – still a significant number of people with the ability to wield mass power. In fact, this number has not shifted drastically in the last forty years or so, but the power and influence of trade unions has shrunk drastically, and everyone can feel it.
Data collected by the Casual Workers Advice Office (CWAO) shows a general decline in strike action since 2018. However, in comparison to strike actions between 2009-2013, the rate in recent years has overall been quite high; the most work stoppages in the 2009-2013 period sits at 114 in 2013. So, strike action is still highly prevalent, but statistics show the specific type of strike action being undertaken by workers is changing.
These statistics clearly show that wildcat strikes make up a major part of annual labour action. “Wildcat strikes have outstripped protected strikes for some years now”, says the CWAO, who have diligently reported each strike across South Africa for the last few years.
In 2020, two-thirds of all labour strikes were unauthorized wildcat strikes, and most were driven by what the Department of Employment and Labour (DEL) terms the “community industry”.
Within the community industry, the DEL explained in their 2020 industrial action report that “more strikes were seen from the South African health sector”, as the Covid-19 pandemic crippled a healthcare system that was already burdened by preexisting challenges.
However, the DEL report does not give any reason why these strikes were unprotected. But viewing recent news around trade unions – especially in the service and community industries – it is easy to understand why workers went rogue.
After the shock exposure of corruption at Tembisa hospital and the assassination of whistleblower Babita Deokaran, the Young Nurses Indaba Trade Union (YNITU) placed itself squarely in the corner of disgraced hospital chief, Ashley Mthunzi.
The YNITU was headed by Lerato Mthunzi, the wife of Ashley Mthunzi. She allegedly “hijacked” the union and used it as a mouthpiece to defend her husband from corruption charges, against the will of its members and in contravention of the rules of the union.
If such is the case, it makes sense why unionized workers would doubt their representatives’ commitment to workers issues and take matters into their own hands.
Even ex NUMSA Deputy General Secretary, Karl Cloete, criticised trade unions in South Africa for using the concept of worker-controlled unions as “a mere slogan” to garner votes. Instead of exercising real worker’s power, union leaders remain in control so they “may determine the direction of the union and how their own resources drawn from subscriptions should benefit them.”
Zwelinzima Vavi, general secretary of the South African Federation of Trade Unions (SAFTU), noted in a discussion document that large trade unions have become comfortable with the status quo, due to their inauguration into the democratic political system. That also includes accepting its oppressive, corrupt aspects.
Vavi says that “the ANC’s commitment to austerity measures and neoliberalism worsens every day, [and] yet COSATU keeps on asking workers to vote for the ANC, as part of the defense of the status quo.”
Thus, it seems unsurprising that, out of all the wildcat strikes that occurred in 2023, the second highest proportion were strikes conducted by workers without any union representation or involvement. Most are non-unionized workers who organised themselves.
Nurses who had their contracts abruptly terminated at Jubilee District Hospital in Gauteng last May went on strike outside the hospital. Massive shortages in employees and resources pushed the hospital to the brink, and yet the nurses were kept on contracts via agencies, and not offered full time employment.
While Democratic Nursing Organisation of South Africa (DENOSA) leader, Bongani Mazibuko, said the nurses should reach out to the union for support, DENOSA itself had no part in the wildcat strike – the nurses acted of their own volition.
With news of YNITU’s woes in the air, who could blame them?
Wildcat strikes organised by workers are the norm in the mining industry in South Africa, where inter-union fighting has dominated the labour scene, often overshadowing worker concerns.
A three-day underground wildcat strike was held by over 2000 miners last December at Impala Platinum Mine in Rustenburg. Fed up with tax deductions on their bonuses and angered over a cage accident that claimed 13 lives that November, the miners went ahead with the strike without approval from their union, the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM).
This should seem strange, as NUM is such a powerful union. Three of NUM’s past general secretaries have held important political positions in South Africa. One is even the president today – Cyril Ramaphosa.
And yet, Ramaphosa lives under the shadow of his role in Marikana. Families of the murdered miners hold Ramaphosa liable for their deaths, which even the High Court has acknowledged could be true.
So, perhaps it is precisely because of the bloody memory of Marikana that workers choose to embark on wildcat strikes. Workers will always need representation, especially in a society as unequal and in an economy as dire as South Africa’s.
But if workers feel that their trade unions are not on their side, it must be expected that they will stand on their own.
FEATURED IMAGE: Workers marching to end pay freeze in Cape Town, October 2021. Photo: Ashraf Hendrickfor Ground Up.
Residents of Joburg are fed up with the decay of their communities and the unresponsiveness of their municipalities.
On Saturday, July 27, a melting pot of residents across Johannesburg gathered outside Johannesburg Metropolitan Centre calling for the resignation of Mayor Kabelo Gwamanda.
United under the umbrella movement, ‘Joburg Crisis Alliance’, foundations like the Ahmed Kathrada Foundation and the Organization Undoing Tax Abuse (OUTA), came together to air their grievances with the city and local municipalities. .
Specifically, residents are frustrated with the poor infrastructure and lack of service delivery experienced in their areas, citing experiences of consistent water shortages, power outages and increased levels of crime.
“We don’t have streetlights; we don’t have robots in our street. People are being mugged and robbed, and children have been kidnapped. When we call the police, they don’t come with immediate effect, they come after two, three hours!” claims Riselle Davids, a resident of Ennerdale.
Citizens are further calling for the scrapping of the recent R230 tariff that has been implemented for prepaid electricity users. The tariff was implemented at the beginning of July as a service-and-capacity charge and is effective on all prepaid electricity users regardless of how much electricity they use.
“Some of our elderly people cannot afford the water and electricity bill [as is], it’s so much. The new prepaid meter [tariffs], we don’t want it!” said Davids.
Citizens were protesting poor service delivery under the moniker the Joburg Crisis Alliance. Photo: Kabir Jugram
With these issues in mind, the Joburg Crisis Alliance is demanding for mayor Gwamanda and his council to resign due to their unresponsiveness to citizens’ concerns regarding the decline in their living conditions. Beyond that, they implore ward councillors to start engaging with their communities.
“What we absolutely need is a plan of action, an urgent turnaround plan, around water, electricity, housing and safety in this city. If they [mayoral committee] cannot step up to that challenge, they must go. The mayor must step down with his entire mayoral committee, and that council must provide for us leadership that is accountable to them and the residents” says Tessa Dooms, a member of the Joburg Crisis Alliance and co-ordinator of Saturday’s protest.
Speaker of the City of Johannesburg, Margaret Arnolds was present to receive the memorandum, being welcomed by constant jeers. ‘Where’s the mayor?’ mocked numerous protestors in the crowd.
“I am here today to receive the memorandum and say that I will come back within 14-30 days or speak to the authors of the memorandum as to their demands” says Arnolds to a disgruntled audience.
The alliance shall wait for response from the mayor’s office and determine their course of action from there.
FEATURED IMAGE: Residents of Joburg unit to protest a lack of service delivery. Photo: Kabir Jugram
Four years since its doors closed, frustrated city residents have yet to hear any real reason why the Johannesburg City Library remains shut.
On May 18, 2024, scores of demonstrators and several civic organizations gathered outside of the Joburg City Library to protest its indefinite closure.
The library has been closed to the public since March 2020, initially due to Covid-19 lockdown restrictions. However, the library never reopened, and in May 2021 the city announced it would remain closed “for major repairs and maintenance”.
However, after years without progress, civic groups took matters into their own hands. A walk-through of the library conducted in March 2024 by experts brought along by the Johannesburg Heritage Foundation (JHF) found the building “structurally sound” and safe for use.
Flo Bird, JHF founder, protests along Simmonds Street near the city library.
One pressing issue lies in the fire-suppression system, which was installed 12 years ago but never commissioned and “should take no more than three months” to fix said JHF.
Gathered at Beyers Naudé Square across from the library, the protestors grouped under a bronze statue of a woman holding a Molotov cocktail and a placard reading, “democracy is dialogue.”
Speakers from the various organizations present recognized the irony of the statement, as dialogue has virtually broken down between the City of Johannesburg (CoJ) and those seeking accountability over the library’s closure.
“They [the CoJ] see civil society as a nuisance,” said David Fleminger, chair of the Johannesburg Heritage Foundation. As an invaluable communal resource, the library reopening “needs to be treated as a matter of urgency, not as an afterthought”, he said. “A library is not a luxury!”
Professor Achille Mbembe spoke about the political connection between books, knowledge, and freedom. “[Books] are the petrol bombs of the mind,” he said, referencing the statue above him. “There is no democracy without books” he stated – a powerful statement for the CoJ to remember just nine days from elections.
“I’m very encouraged”, said Fleminger about the day’s events. Drawing over a hundred people, the event had a “good spirit” of righteous indignation at the CoJ’s failings. “I’m just annoyed that we have to be here…they [the CoJ] should just do their job”, he continued.
Now, its over to the City and the Johannesburg Development Agency (JDA) as protestors demand an immediate (but partial) reopening. “We don’t want to go the legal route, but it is a public facility, and we have a right to make use of it,” said Flo Bird, founder of the JHF.
As the demonstration ended, protestors gathered in groups, sharing stories about the library and its personal significance to them, from being a place of quiet refuge to an invaluable tool in getting through school and university. “I think visiting the library helped instill a love of reading in me,” Fleminger recounted of his childhood. “So many Joburgers have a similar connection to the City Library. It’s part of the fabric of the city.”
With over 1.5 million books, 140 computers, and free WiFi, the City Library is a resource rich center whose quiet abandonment will not, and has not, gone unnoticed by Joburg residents.
Since, the CoJ have re-emphasized their commitment to reopening the library, and said work will begin on the “much-needed compliance issues” in July 2024.
FEATURED IMAGE: Protestors gathered at Beyers Naude Square, Johannesburg. Photo: Ruby Delahunt
The Wits SRC took their fight against min-year exclusions directly to the Senate, hoping to resolve the issue before exams start.
The Wits Student Representative Council (SRC) led a spirited demonstration from the Great Hall to Solomon Mahlangu House on Thursday, May 16, as they challenge the university’s mid-year registration cancellations policy.
These exclusions happen when students are unable to meet financial and/or academic obligations. In particular, cases where students are unable to settle financial difficulties which prevented them from registering in the beginning of the year.
Addressing attendees in front of the great Hall steps, Wits SRC Academic Officer, Atlegang Motshabi, said: “The reason why these two motions make sense to collaborate is because the real reason for mid-year exclusions is capitalism. That’s why they’re scared to take a stance on Palestine, because of the system of capitalism.”
The SRC led the group toward the Senate Room in attempt to stage a sit-in as the meeting took place. However, Wits security closed the doors to the venue, leading to a standoff between the SRC leaders and Wits Campus Protection Services (CPS). This caused a delay as many students were not able to enter with some having to write tests in other parts of the same building.
Speaking to Wits Vuvuzela after the meeting, Motshabi said their motion had not been tabled or voted on, and they were advised to tweak errors on their proposal.
“The Deputy Vice Chancellor then told us that after we are done with it, we can take it to Senate Teaching & Learning, and she would then grant an emergency meeting, to make sure that everything happens before June results come out.”
Motshabi said the plan was to be proactive and prevent mid-year exclusions before it was too late. “In March we started consulting, because before you draft a proposal you have to go on a consultative process, you need to speak to different stakeholders then you need to take into consideration the Senate meetings and dates. The one that happened in March was too early (because) we had not finished the consultative process. So that’s when we said that May 16 is proper because it’s right before exam season.”
With the exams starting in two weeks, all eyes will be on the outcome of this process.
Wits University students became the first in South Africa to take a clear stance regarding the Israel and Palestine conflict, through their weeklong encampment.
On Monday 13 May, a small collective of students (unaffiliated to the Palestinian Solidarity Committee) set up tents on Wits’ Library Lawns, in a show of visible solidarity at the self-named ‘Wits Liberation Zone’.
The group wants Wits to take a clear, pro-Palestine stance in the ongoing Israeli assault of Palestinian land. Something students have been doing at universities across the world in recent weeks.
Students set up camp in solidarity with Palestine and all victims of oppression. Photo: Kabir Jugram
Part of their demands was a call for Wits to provide full transparency regarding their ties to Israeli-aligned companies and divest from oppressive regimes worldwide. In addition, an end to what they felt was targeted harassment and censorship of pro-Palestinian activism on campus.
The liberation zone extended support to students affected by the recent water and electricity outages in Braamfontein that saw students go without these amenities for over two weeks, as well as students facing mid-year financial exclusion. Thus, free food for students was a feature throughout the past week.
And while a noble cause, the movement was not without its difficulties. In the week WitsVuvuzela spent observing the encampment, issues ranging from students sleeping in tents soaked by rain on Monday to campus security taking down a marquee designated for reading sala on Tuesday were observed.
Physical and academic safety were also top of mind, students told Wits Vuvuzela they feared persecution for their participation.
On Thursday morning, the group marched to the Great Hall alongside the Wits SRC (who advocated against mid-year exclusions) to bring their demands to the Wits senate.
The Liberation Zone marched to Great Hall alongside the SRC on Thursday. Photos: Kabir Jugram
In a written reply after the senate meeting seen by Wits Vuvuzela, Wits condemned Israel’s actions in Palestine and called for an immediate ceasefire.
“As members of the Senate we believe that the actions of the Israeli Defense Force constitute a form of collective punishment globally… which is inhumane and ethically indefensible,” further adding that “we support an immediate humanitarian ceasefire to stop the deaths of civilians and to ensure that food, medical and all forms of needed aid are urgently provided to the civilians in Palestine”.
Absent from the response was information about disclosures and mid-year exclusions. A disappointed student said, “Long story short, Wits did the bare minimum and only answered one of our demands”.
Now, the encampment is at a crossroads, as they were only permitted to be on the Library Lawns until Friday, May 17, but many in the group want to prolong their stay until all their demands are met.
“We remain resolute in our pursuit of full divestment. It is important to note that we are not calling for the dissolution of the camp, but rather advising students to be mindful of the safety implications involved” said a representative of the Liberation Zone.
This story is still developing as students plan to camp beyond their permitted period.
Note* some names and quotes have been omitted from this article to protect students involved in the ongoing protest.
FEATURED IMAGE: A student protestor addresses the crowd before marching to Great Hall. Photo: Kabir Jugram
Protestors gathered in Marshalltown to highlight the plight and neglect of survivors from the 2023 tragedy.
Almost six months after a devastating fire, survivors say they have been left worse off. Now, the ‘Marshalltown Fire Justice Campaign’ (MFJC) has made a demand for adequate housing for the group.
The MFCJ organized a march to demand adequate housing for fire survivors. Photo: Kabir Jugram
Residents of the Denver settlement, just outside of the Johannesburg CBD, were led by the MFJC on April 26, 2024, as they approached the doorsteps of provincial power.
No one met the group at Mayor Kabelo Gwamanda’s office, but a representative, Puleng Chabane who is the deputy director of rapid responses accepted the memorandum of demands at Gauteng Premier, Panyaza Lesufi’s office.
The MFJC was initially established to give support to victims of the Usindiso building fire on August 31, 2023, that claimed 77 lives and displaced hundreds.
According to General Moyo, a co-ordinator of the MFJC, those displaced by the fire have been made to live in poorer conditions.
A Denver settlement resident holds up a sign which reads: “Eliminate housing backlogs with decent houses”. Photo: Kabir Jugram
Protestors marching through the streets of Marshalltown. Photo: Kabir Jugram
“[The shacks] can collapse at any time because there’s heavy underground mining activity, and when there’s flooding the people cannot sleep!… Those one-room shacks are built with cheap materials,” he said.
The lack of security and overcrowding in the settlement has also made women more vulnerable to Gender-Based Violence according to Moyo.
Siphiwe Ncobo, a street vendor originally from Newcastle, lost her husband and child in the fire and has since been relocated to Denver. Despite a monthly R1 500 rental, she said there is no water, electricity and cooking facilities.
“The black working class in particular get to bare the scapegoating, blaming and bashing of the elite that is incapable of resolving the many crises of their system!”
Mametlwe Sebei
Ncobo also claims she has seen up to seven people share a one-room shack. “It’s a squatter camp, not a hostel” she said.
Speaking to those gathered, Mametlwe Sebei, president of the General Industries Workers Union and co-ordinator for MFJC, accused the government of ‘constitutional delinquency’ for failing to provide fire victims with their constitutional right to adequate housing.
Sebei claims the government uses foreign nationals as scapegoats for a lack of resources, despite the numerous dilapidated buildings in Joburg CBD that could be repurposed for the displaced.
“The black working class in particular get to bare the scapegoating, blaming and bashing of the elite that is incapable of resolving the many crises of their system!” proclaimed Sebei.
In that sense, the march was more than a demand for adequate housing. It was a collective voice of frustration aimed at a government that continues to neglect its poor.
Despite that, spirits were high as the crowd marched through the streets of Joburg CBD. The young and elderly alike could be seen dancing and whistling in the blazing sun, giving meaning to their chant as they proclaimed: “long live the spirit of Usindiso, long live!”
Co-ordinators of the protest explain the purpose of the march. Video/YouTube: Kabir Jugram
FEATURED IMAGE: Protestors Dance as they prepare to march to the mayor’s office. Photo: Kabir Jugram
A brief reprieve at Wits University, as protesting students momentarily call off protest action.
The deputy president of the Wits student representative council (SRC), Kamogelo Mabe declared a 24-hour ceasefire on March 8, as the group prepares to finally meet with Vice Chancellor, Zeblon Vilakazi.
The ceasefire is conditional, Mabe called for all ‘bouncers’ (security officers) to be removed from campuses and for no further suspensions to be enacted by the university.
“This is a stance that we are taking as student leaders. We are not intimidated, we are not pressured into any position, but we are simply saying that we are, for the last time, revisiting this conversation,” said Mabe at a press briefing.
Several student protesters including the Wits SRC president, Aphiwe Mnyamana remain suspended from the university. The suspensions bar the students from entering the university premises including residences, making them effectively homeless and unable to continue with their studies.
Speaking to eNCA, the university’s spokesperson Shirona Patel welcomed the ceasefire and said that they were willing to meet the SRC’s demands to facilitate dialogue. Patel added that the university has already acceded to the SRC’s demand to remove the police presence in and around the university and will reduce the number of private security guards as the situation deescalates.
“I’ve been here before the pandemic, and I’ve seen like protests like in 2019 and I’m a bit unfazed by it because it’s something that like we almost expect now so it’s a bit disheartening to me that like we’re still having these conversations even though I’ve been here since 2019 this is 2023 and it’s still the same conversation,” said Owethu Tema, a third-year architecture student
Similar protests are taking place at the Tshwane University of Technology, the University of Pretoria, and the University of Cape Town, among others. The same issues persist at these institutions, students simply cannot afford both the high cost of education and the living expenses that come with being a student.
FEATURED IMAGE: Left to right: Wits SRC members Karabo Matloga, deputy president Kamogelo Mabe and secretary general Tshiamo Chuma at the press briefing on March 8, 2023. Photo: Mpho Hlakudi
The #WitsShutdown protests are ongoing as key demands remain unmet.
There has been much back and forth between the Wits SRC and the university’s Senior Management Team during the #WitsShutdown protests. We put some of the key issues side by side.
FEATURED IMAGE: A protesting student form the Wits EFF Student Command sings into a loudhailer. Photo: Mpho Hlakudi
From the early hours of Friday morning, the ongoing #WitsShutdown protests became physical.
Things came to a head between protesting students and private security officers and Campus Protection Services (CPS) on March 3, 2023. What started out as security using their shields to bar students from entering buildings or using certain entrances, quickly escalated into water, bricks and other projectiles being hurled by some protestors.
Members of the South African Police Service (SAPS) have now entered the fray, with multiple nyala’s standing at the ready in front of the Great Hall steps to provide reinforcements.
EFF Student Command members joined the protest.
A student holds up a placard which reads “Wits is not for good. It is depriving us education and shelter, our basic human rights!!!” Photo: Mpho Hlakudi.
A student wears a t-shirt with “Hasta la Victoria Siempre” written on it, which means “Until victory, always” in Spanish.
Bricks being ripped off the
A water bottle being emptied out onto a private security officer.
A protesting student addressing a security officer.
Protesting members of NEHAWU joined protesting students and are seen attempting to calm tensions.
A traffic cone about to be flung at security officers.
Remnants of some of the things thrown at officers lie on the floor at the top of the Great Hall steps.
A student protester sings into the loudspeaker. Photo: Mpho Hlakudi
Protesting students gathered at the Wits amphitheatre as members of the SRC addressed them. Photo: Mpho Hlakudi.
FEATURED IMAGE: A traffic cone about to be flung at security officers. Photo: Mpho Hlakudi
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