“Babita stood up for what was right, even when it put her at risk”, said Rakesh Deokaran
Babita Deokaran flagged R850 million in suspicious hospital payments, including funds to letterbox companies.
Civil society warns whistleblowers remain vulnerable, with government protections still inadequate.
Wicks’ book exposes a shadow network of officials and syndicates siphoning public healthcare fund.
Jeff Wicks signing his new book The Shadow State: Why Babita Deokaran had to die at its launch in Killarney on August 27. Photo: Likho Mbuka
Incidents of corruption and attacks on whistleblowers are not isolated – they reveal a system that endangers those who speak out. This is the disturbing reality explored in Jeff Wicks’ new book The Shadow State: Why Babita Deokaran had to die.
The book uncovers a “shadow state” of crooked officials and syndicates stealing billions meant for patients in Gauteng public hospitals, a reality that has left patients suffering in hospitals like Tembisa.
Wicks, a News24 investigative journalist and two-time recipient of the Taco Kuiper Award was in discussion with broadcaster and journalist Mandy Wiener at the book launch in Killarney, Johannesburg, on 27 August 2025.
“This book is a tribute to the courage of Babita, who refused to keep quiet, despite being confronted with powerful wrongdoers.” said Wicks.
Deokaran, flagged R850 million in suspicious hospital payments, including R60 million to letterbox companies and R500,000 for 200 pairs of denim pants. This corruption thrived in a hospital already struggling with overcrowding and staff shortages, putting patients at risk.
While the hitmen responsible for Deokaran’s killing have been arrested, the crucial questions of who ordered the murder and their motive remain unanswered. Wicks’ book confronts the authorities, including the South African Police Service (SAPS) and Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation (DPCI), who failed to act decisively.
Despite the personal risks, Wicks left no stone unturned.
“I feel like I have failed. Four years later, not a single corrupt individual has been arrested or prosecuted. They are still breathing free air,” Wicks said, reflecting on the ongoing lack of justice.
“It was deeply emotional for us as a family”, said her brother Rakesh Deokaran.
“To see Babita’s story captured with such care and honesty reminded us of her bravery and the sacrifices she made.”
In an interview with Wits Vuvuzela, civil society activist Devoshum Moodley-Veera from the Active Citizen Movement (ACM) warned that whistleblowers continue to face job losses, character assassination, and death.
Broadcaster Mandy Wiener emphasized that state capture is far from over and that fundamental systemic changes are needed to protect those who come forward.
“The current system is far from sufficient to protect whistleblowers in a practical, real way,” she said.
Wicks is urging readers to confront corruption and advocate for stronger whistleblower protections.
FEATURED IMAGE: Jeff Wicks and Mandy Wiener on stage at the book launch on August 27. Photo: Likho Mbuka
National Dialogue exposes deep cracks between citizens and state officials, raises doubts about its impact.
Tensions rose during the launch of the National Dialogue at UNISA in Pretoria, where disruptions overshadowed the opening session.
Former President Thabo Mbeki, alongside several organisations and political parties, withdrew from the process over concerns about credibility.
Citizens and students voiced disappointment at what they described as exclusion and lack of genuine representation.
The first National Convention in Pretoria over the weekend was intended to begin shaping a shared national vision and create a space for forthcoming dialogue. However, the event revealed a clear disconnect between government officials and ordinary citizens.
Audience members during Day 1 of the first National Convention of the National Dialogue of South Africa at Unisa. Photo: Likho Mbuka
Proceedings on Friday, August 15, 2025, at the opening of the National Dialogue at UNISA in Pretoria, were interrupted when individuals not listed as panellists attempted to force their way onto the stage, demanding to speak before President Cyril Ramaphosa.
The event began with a welcoming address by UNISA Vice-Chancellor Professor Puleng LenkaBula, followed by a musical performance.
Tensions unfolded shortly after panellists were invited to the stage for the first engagement session before the president’s address.
While panellists representing the citizen-led National Dialogue roadmap – a framework drawn up by civil society groups and legacy foundations – were called to the stage, two men not on the list rushed the stage.
They demanded to speak ahead of Ramaphosa and other high-profile delegates. They were asked to respect the process and calmly escorted off the stage.
The day had already been marked by an earlier disruption when an attendee collapsed, prompting a brief pause while emergency personnel provided medical assistance. Delegates sang them off with struggle songs until order was restored.
The dialogue itself opened under a cloud of eleventh-hour withdrawals. Former President Thabo Mbeki, the Thabo Mbeki and FW de Klerk Foundations, several Government of National Unity (GNU) partners, and several civil society organisations pulled out of the process. Opposition parties, including the Democratic Alliance (DA) and Freedom Front Plus (FF Plus), also withdrew, accusing the African National Congress of hijacking the initiative for political gain ahead of the 2026 local government elections.
In an interview with Wits Vuvuzela, ANC spokesperson Mahlengi Bengu-Motsiri said,
“Our participation will be anchored in the values of the ANC, the resolutions of our national conferences, and the current lived experiences of our people,” she said.
Not everyone left convinced. Wits University first-year politics student, Sekhu Vivian Lerato, said she had hoped to witness inclusivity at work, but the disruptions only underscored her concerns.
“It felt more about political optics than citizens’ voices,” she said.
President Ramaphosa, however, cast the Dialogue in more optimistic terms, calling it “the real conversation” for South Africans to confront poverty, inequality, and poor service delivery.”
Whether the excluded voices will accept that invitation remains an open question.
FEATURED IMAGE: President Cyril Ramaphosa during Day 1 of the first National Convention of the National Dialogue of South Africa at Unisa’s Pretoria Main Campus. Photo: Likho Mbuka
Rising meat prices in June 2025 are pushing up food inflation and increasing living costs, adding strain to Wits students’ budgets.
South Africa’s annual inflation rate increased by 0.2 percentage points to 3% in June 2025.
Food inflation for meat and vegetables is driving the rise with increasing beef prices up by over 21.2% year-on-year.
Wits students say rising prices are forcing them to change what and where they eat.
Students at Wits University are feeling the impact of rising food prices, with many reporting that they have had to skip meals, switch to cheaper meat options, and avoid campus shops. The price hikes are placing added pressure on already stretched student budgets, forcing some to reduce how often they buy groceries.
Although inflation remains at the lower end of the South African Reserve Bank’s 3% to 6% target range, the latest consumer price index (CPI) data confirms what students have already been experiencing: rising food prices, especially for meat and vegetables, are putting pressure on their budgets. In June 2025, Statistics South Africa (Stats SA) recorded a 3.0% year-on-year CPI increase, up from 2.8% in May, with food inflation leading the surge.
Zuko Bangela, a Master of Finance student, said meat has become unaffordable. “Beef used to be my go-to, but now I buy pork and chicken instead. The braai plate I used to get in Braamfontein has gone up twice this year,” he said. “What used to be a weekly treat, I now only have twice a month.”
Food inflation reached 5.1% in June 2025, its highest level in 15 months. Stats SA reports that stewing beef prices alone rose by more than 21% compared to last year, the highest since 2017. Vegetables like beetroot, lettuce, and carrots also saw big price jumps, while cereals and dairy provided some relief.
For Khutso Mahlaela, a third-year law student, the cost of groceries has changed how he shops. “I used to buy meat from Pick n Pay, but now I go to Roots Butchery for better prices. Some items like mince and sausage are just not worth it anymore. Wits needs cheaper options on campus. OK Express is too expensive, and the prices are unreasonable,” he said.
Economists say this trend puts the most pressure on poor households and students.
“Students spend a bigger share of their income on food. When meat and vegetables become more expensive, it hits them the hardest,” said Dr Kenneth Creamer, an economics lecturer at Wits University.
We’ve had outbreaks in South Africa that impact beef prices. Good farming conditions and proper infrastructure can help keep food prices low.”
For now, students say they are adjusting and hoping things get better soon. “We’re always budgeting,” said Bangela. “But it’s getting harder to stretch the same amount of money.”
In the space of just a few weeks, South Africa has been shaken by a flurry of political scandals, arrests, assassinations, and suspensions that read like the script of a crime thriller. But this is not fiction. From the corridors of government to the backrooms of political parties, we are witnessing either the collapse of our democratic institutions or the long-overdue reckoning with the criminalisation of politics. The real question is: is the rot finally being exposed?
One of the explosive claims made by KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi was that when Vusumuzi “Cat” Matlala was arrested, police discovered messages on his devices indicating he was receiving inside information from police “fixers”, including meetings arranged with suspended Police Minister Senzo Mchunu.
Cat Matlala, a name tied to shady tenders, including one linked to murdered whistleblower Babita Deokaran, has most recently received a tender with Tshwane SAPS. His case is not an outlier. It is part of a wider, disturbing pattern: police officials enabling criminal syndicates, with political figures complicit in the cover-up.
The suspension of Minister of Police Senzo Mchunu following Mkhwanazi’s damning claims is only the beginning. It is alleged that Mchunu protected criminal networks within the police turning the justice system into the very problem it should be solving. Journalist Mandy Wiener has called the positions of police minister and national commissioner a “poisoned chalice” and these revelations seem to prove it. Yet the idea of high-ranking police figures colluding with criminals is not new. Think Jackie Selebi and Radovan Krejcir. This is a cycle we have seen before.
Shortly after Mchunu’s suspension, Patriotic Alliance (PA) deputy leader Kenny Kunene, until recently a PR councillor in the City of Johannesburg, was found in the company of Katiso “KT” Molefe, the alleged mastermind behind DJ Sumbody’s assassination. Kunene claimed he was escorting a journalist – yet that journalist has never reported on what would have been the scoop of a lifetime: Kunene being found at Molefe’s house during the arrest.
Kunene resigned, and the mayor has claimed the city’s “hands are tied.” This incident is yet another glimpse into the entanglement of political office and gangsterism.
Meanwhile, Gauteng Police Commissioner Fannie Masemola is reported to have attempted to intervene in Matlala’s arrest corroborating Mkhwanazi’s assertion that parts of the police are proverbially in bed with criminals. The system is protecting itself.
This past week, the Minister of Higher Education, Nobuhle Nkabane, resigned after being accused of lying to Parliament’s portfolio committee regarding the appointment of SETA board members. Her resignation means she escapes the very accountability that parliamentary oversight was supposed to ensure.
These are not isolated incidents. The list grows longer: the assassination of whistleblowers and construction mafia figures, allegations within the ANC, U.S. Treasury sanctions, and a justice system that increasingly appears either captured or hollowed out.
It is no coincidence that as state capacity erodes, criminal networks rise. The ANC, weakened and divided, can no longer police its own ranks let alone govern ethically. Political office is being used to legitimise criminal empires. Today’s councillors were yesterday’s construction mafia bosses. And tomorrow’s ministers? Who knows.
So what? This erosion of the line between politics and crime puts South Africa on the brink. As citizens lose faith in democratic systems, they may begin to embrace authoritarianism or strongman figures who promise order through force. The Patriotic Alliance’s recent calls to reinstate the death penalty while its leaders are under scrutiny are telling.
President Cyril Ramaphosa has responded by firing some implicated officials and promising yet another commission of inquiry. But after years of unattended recommendations gathering dust on his desk, society has little reason to believe that justice will follow.
Firoz Cachalia, a former ANC politician and now a Wits law professor, has been appointed interim Police Minister. He enters a poisoned environment, one where few believe the rule of law still applies evenly. Will he win public confidence in a country where institutions seem broken?
This last month has exposed a web of criminality so vast and interconnected that each new scandal feels less shocking than the last. Viewed in isolation, these incidents may appear as individual failures but step back, and the picture becomes clearer: a democracy under siege from within.
We cannot afford to normalise this rot. The fight against corruption must be unrelenting – not just for the sake of good governance, but for the survival of our democracy.
Timothy Omotoso’s departure after a controversial acquittal highlights deep concerns about justice and accountability in South Africa.
The deportation of the televangelist Timothy Omotoso on May 18, 2025, marks yet another worrying pattern in South Africa’s criminal justice system: powerful people slipping away before full accountability is achieved.
Omotoso and his co-accused were acquitted on 32 charges of rape and human trafficking on 2 April 2025. However, instead of facing continued public scrutiny, Omotoso accepted voluntary deportation to Nigeria, just one day before the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) confirmed its intention to appeal the ruling on May 19, 2025.
If the appeal is successful, South Africa would need to seek Omotoso’s extradition, which is often an uncertain process, given the country’s poor track record with high-profile cases.
This follows earlier failures, where the Gupta brothers remained abroad after their extradition was mishandled. Shepherd Bushiri fled to Malawi and has never returned.
These examples reflect a justice system where influential people evade accountability with ease. These unjust cases have left South Africans with a recurring sense that justice only applies selectively.
The Omotoso case cuts even deeper because it intersects with South Africa’s gender-based violence (GBV) crisis. Cheryl Zondi, one of the first witnesses to testify how she was raped at 14 by Omotoso, expressed her concerns, stating that “evil prevails in this world.”
Zondi’s courage, and the collective trauma relived by sexual assault survivors, was sidelined by the court’s technicalities and the prosecutor’s unpreparedness.
Even more heartbreaking is the murder of Pamela Mabini, a community activist who supported victims in the Omotoso case. She received death threats and was eventually gunned down, a tragic reminder of the cost of seeking justice in this country.
The deportation of Omotoso before further legal accountability could unfold reflects poorly on our criminal justice system.
It is not just about one man leaving the country, it’s about how systems of justice are ignored, and how suspects can escape scrutiny by deporting them rather than pursuing accountability and justice.
The NPA’s leave to appeal came after the 10-day deadline had passed, raising further questions about whether proper procedures were followed.
South Africa’s fight against GBV cannot be won if high-profile people are allowed to walk away without consequences. Justice must be seen, felt, and established.
FEATURED IMAGE: Likho Mbuka. Photo: File/Paul Botes
A new political society has its sights set on changing the dynamic of student representation in the university’s decision-making processes.
The uMkhonto weSizwe Student Movement is officially registered as a student society.
They plan to represent marginalised societies on campus.
Some students see MKSM as a chance for deeper political engagement.
As of May 20, 2025, the uMkhonto weSizwe Student Movement (MKSM) was officially registered as a political society at Wits University.
The Dean of Student Affairs at Wits University, Jerome September, confirmed that the movement met the requirements for registration. These include a constitution aligned with that of the Student Representative Council (SRC), a motivational letter, and at least 50 student signatures.
“Should there be a challenge in terms of the application, feedback is given, and they are allowed to appeal. The MKSM met the requirements and was thus approved,” he said.
Wits convenor, Mthembeni Mzobe, said the movement faced delays and only received approval during the moratorium period, which temporarily restricts political activity on campus.
“We arrived late. Now we need to sort out documents while other student organisations are hitting the ground,” he said.
Despite the delays, Mzobe said MKSM plans to engage communities often excluded from mainstream campus politics. “We will approach churches and traditional societies on campus. They have constituencies but no representation,” he added.
In an interview with Wits Vuvuzela, Regional MKSM convenor Nkuna Gift said their goal is to “empower students and provide a platform for their voices,” while aligning with the party’s national vision of economic transformation and social justice.
The national deputy coordinator of MKSM Siphesihle Sibande engages with students in front of the Umthombo Building. Photo: LikhoMbuka
In discussion with various students on campus, many welcomed the formation of MKSM, they said it reflects the diversity of political views on campus.
Third-year student Sindiswa Zondo said “It would be ignorant to think there can be space constraints. Wits students come from all walks of life.”
When asked whether MKSM would be contesting in the upcoming SRC elections, Mzobe declined to comment but said they would “expand political representation” on campus. The 2025 Wits SRC elections are expected to take place in September.
FEATURED IMAGE: A member of the MK Student Movement wears the party’s T-shirt on Wits campus. Photo: Likho Mbuka
Wits University academic confronts the ongoing dispossession of Black communities in post-apartheid South Africa in new book.
Growing up under the shadow of stark inequality, Dr. Dineo Skosana developed a lifelong commitment to understanding and challenging the historical forces that shaped them. Now a lecturer in politics and researcher at the Society, Work and Politics Institute (SWOP) at Wits University, she weaves her academic and activist role around the themes of land, memory and social justice.
These are not just abstract ideas in her work, they are rooted in South Africa’s contemporary reality. “There’s a dangerous and growing discourse that says Black people don’t need land back, just jobs,” she says.
Dr. Dineo Skosana. Photo: Supplied
For Skosana, this narrative is both ahistorical and harmful. Her work consistently pushes back against such distortions, asserting that land is not only an economic asset but also a site of identity, heritage, and spiritual connection.
In her newly released book, No Last Place to Rest: Coal Mining and Dispossession in South Africa, Dr. Skosana reveals how coal extraction continues to dispossess Black communities, not just physically, but spiritually. “Dispossession is a continuing lived experience,” she explains. As South Africa faces both an energy crisis and an unresolved land reform debate, her book arrives at a crucial moment. It challenges whose knowledge and experiences are centred in national policy and how we define the meaning of land.
As a Black academic working in a historically white-dominated institution, Skosana has had to navigate systemic barriers. When she first entered Wits as a student, there were few Black South African lecturers. “Academia was associated with whiteness,” she recalls.
That legacy, she says, still lingers. “Many of us are challenging this,” she says. Urging senior African scholars to mentor emerging academics rather than gatekeep. “To bask in the company of European scholars can’t be our measure of success. We must build legacies with our communities and younger Black scholars.”
Her teaching is deeply informed by her research and by the knowledge of African communities themselves, co-producers of the insights she brings into the classroom. “Understanding the correlation between research and teaching maintains the integrity of what I teach,” she says.
Dr. Skosana’s journey is a reminder that academic spaces can be sites of resistance, and that knowledge especially when grounded in lived experience, remains a powerful tool for justice.
FEATURED IMAGE: Photo of No Last Place to Rest: Coal Mining and Dispossession in South Africa book. Photo: Supplied by Dr. Skosana
Johannesburg Mayor Dada Morero delivered his first State of the City Address on Wednesday, pledging bold reforms, but opposition parties say words must be matched with action.
Mayor Dada Morero outlines Johannesburg’s turnaround plan at his first State of the City Address.
Pledges include energy reforms, infrastructure upgrades, and a “Bomb Squad” task team.
DA tables a motion of no confidence, citing service delivery collapse and lack of leadership.
Councillors gathered at the Connie Bapela Council Chambers during the 2025 State of the City Address in Johannesburg. Photo: LikhoMbuka
Johannesburg Mayor, Dada Morero, delivered his first State of the City Address (SOCA) at the Connie Bapela Council Chambers in Braamfontein on May 7, committing to tackle service delivery failures, economic instability, and declining infrastructure – but opposition parties were unconvinced.
Morero outlined a “turnaround plan” that includes informal settlement electrification, inner-city revitalisation, and the creation of a “Bomb Squad”.
“In military language, a bomb squad has the responsibility of examining and removing bombs that are found and to prevent them from exploding. This COJ (City of Johannesburg) bomb squad must remove constraints that are impacting on the city’s ability to create the Joburg we want to see,” said Morero.
For Ross Hooper from the Democratic Alliance (DA), the address was a vague “wishlist,” lacking substance or clear timelines. They also confirmed that they have tabled a motion of no confidence in Morero, citing political mismanagement and collapse of municipal services. “The city needs leadership, not speeches,” he said.
Chris Rohlssen from the African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP) echoed these sentiments, warning that past promises have failed to materialise. “The mayor speaks well, but we want delivery, not just words,” said Rohlssen.
Despite criticism, Morero defended his administration’s plans to stabilise finances and cut reliance on Eskom through energy reforms. He framed his address as a call to build “One City driven by its people.”
No ordinary residents of Johannesburg were present at the address. The State of the City debate is expected to follow on May 8.
FEATURED IMAGE: Councillors gathered at the Connie Bapela Council Chambers during the 2025 State of the City Address in Johannesburg. Photo: LikhoMbuka
The Constitution Hill opened its doors for free entry to commemorate Freedom Day.
Free tours were given to honour South Africa’s journey from apartheid to democracy.
Visitors reflected on the painful history of apartheid and the importance of protecting constitutional rights.
Civic organisations and young South Africans called for stronger civic education and wider access to historical spaces.
Visitors at the Constitutional Court foyer at Constitution Hill. Photo: LikhoMbuka
Exactly 31 years after the fall of apartheid, Constitution Hill opened its doors to South Africans, offering free tours to unite them through shared experiences that give meaning to South Africa’s constitutional democracy.
The tours on April 27 allowed visitors to explore the historic prison cells and exhibitions free of charge. For many, it was a powerful and emotional reminder of a painful past.
A bench marked ‘No Whites Only’ on display at Constitution Hill. Photo: LikhoMbuka
For Nomonde Velaphi, a community activist, walking through the harsh prison conditions was a sobering experience, one that reminded her not to take her freedoms for granted. “Sometimes we forget our history.” She said.
Sipho Sibiya, said the tour stirred deep emotions. Seeing the cells where prisoners once suffered made the reality of injustice in South Africa’s past feel immediate and personal. For him, the constitution’s Bill of Rights stands as a reminder of the responsibilities that come with freedom.
Irfaan Mangera, from the civic education group We The People South Africa, said Freedom Day is not just about commemoration, but about sustaining democracy through civic education. The group recently launched a free online constitutional literacy programme, supported by Saturday workshops in partnership with institutions like the Constitutional Court and Alt Advisory.
Two visitors watch the Freedom Day exhibition on a TV screen. Photo: LikhoMbuka
Katlego Mahlasela, a student cyclist, echoed the day’s message of civic learning. She said spaces like Constitution Hill are essential for her generation to understand the roots of freedom.
Constitution Hill’s communications officer, Janine Muthusamy, reinforced this sentiment, adding that the “Free for All” initiative is about more than just opening doors. ‘It’s about ensuring access and engagement, especially among young people, to deepen constitutional awareness,” she said.
The day’s visitors made one thing clear: remembering history is important, but building an inclusive, evolving democracy is the task that lies ahead.
FEATURED IMAGE: Visitors explore exhibitions at Constitution Hill during a free tour on Freedom Day. Photo: LikhoMbuka
Wits students brace for the impact of a VAT increase, as stagnant NSFAS allowances fail to keep with inflation and rising daily expenses.
A 0.5 percentage point VAT increase takes effect on May 1, 2025, raising concerns over affordability of essentials for Wits students.
NSFAS-funded students say their allowances don’t keep up with inflation, forcing spending cuts on food, toiletries, and daily essentials.
Wits University says it cannot exceed funder limits or risk its financial sustainability.
With the cost of living sky-high, Wits University students funded by the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS) are preparing for another financial hit, a 0.5 percentage point increase in Value-Added Tax (VAT) set to take effect on May 1, 2025.
Finance minister, Enoch Godongwana, said the increase was necessary to increase public revenue.
Dr Jerome Lange, an economics lecturer at Wits University, said the impact is tangible for low-income students. “They might opt to not spend that extra unit to buy bread or electricity if it’s more expensive.”
He raised concerns about the fairness of the tax. “It’s not a measure that works toward equality. Structures like NSFAS safeguard students against poverty, but 0.5 percentage points can still make a difference. Wits is already financially squeezed and limited in the kind of relief it can offer students,” he said.
Government intends to expand VAT zero-rated food items but the risk for students remains high.
A basket of zero-rated food items, including brown bread, eggs, cooking oil, milk, potatoes, onions, and rice, essentials for food security among students. These items are exempt from VAT, according to the South African Revenue Service’s 2022 VAT guide. Photo: LikhoMbuka
Owame Mfeka, a second-year student said, “The potential for inflation remains. NSFAS allowances are not adjusted for inflation, meaning our purchasing power keeps declining.” He said, “to meaningfully support students, allowances should rise at inflation rate.”
Sibahle Majingo, a second-year student, said he’s already making tough decisions about spending. “Even though the NSFAS allowance increased slightly this year, it’s still not enough. I have to prioritise food and toiletries, look for discounts, and reduce all non-essentials, takeaways or entertainment.”
Majingo, who also sends money home, said he may need to take on part-time work to cope. “It’s frustrating because the cost of living rises faster than our support. Wits could help by reducing residence prices and ensuring timely allowance payments,” he said.
But Wits spokesperson, Shirona Patel, said the university cannot exceed limits of funder allocations or risk financial sustainability, saying rising costs affect staff, students, and suppliers.
As VAT increases and the economic pinch tightens, many students fear the strain on their finances will not only affect their pockets but their ability to focus on their academic goals.
With limited institutional flexibility and slow-moving adjustments from NSFAS, the question remains: Who will cushion the students from the ripple effects of this tax increase?
FEATURE IMAGE: A R10 note and coins, the reality for many students surviving on limited monthly allowances. Even a 0.5 percentage point VAT increase can significantly affect purchasing power. Photo: Likho Mbuka
In this episode, “In South Africa our Land”, hosts Sechaba Molete and Lindelwa Khanyile are joined by Mihle Kunju, Law School Council Chairperson, for a conversation about the constitutional promise that “all shall be equal under the law.” While South Africa’s Constitution is celebrated as one of the most progressive in the world, the reality […]
