Thirty years after the dawn of democracy, Johannesburg remains a city of profound contradictions.
In 1994, South Africa stood at the threshold of an era that promised equality, freedom and unity under the banner of democracy. The country’s first democratic elections saw the formal dismantling of apartheid – a system of institutionalised racial segregation that had oppressed millions of people for nearly half a century. The world watched in awe as Nelson Mandela cast his vote in South Africa’s first democratic elections, a momentous symbol of the country’s transition from apartheid to democracy.
Johannesburg, a city of gold and dreams, was at the heart of this new South Africa. It was a city meant to reflect the promise of equality, opportunity and freedom for all, including those people who sought refuge in its streets. But 30 years later, Johannesburg tells a more complex story.
Although democracy may have opened its arms to political freedom, it also incubated the rise of anti-immigrant sentiments and left economic divides not only unbridged but, in some cases, exacerbated. As the wealth gap widens, many South Africans are left asking why democracy has not resulted in fair economic distribution. This has led to socioeconomic upheaval and created fertile ground for the anti-immigrant movement in the heart of Johannesburg.
A history of migration
South Africa’s history with migration, both forced and voluntary, predates the advent of democracy. Under colonialism and apartheid, the country’s economy heavily relied on migrant labour from neighbouring countries like Mozambique, Malawi and Lesotho to fuel its mines and agricultural sectors. However, the legal framework of apartheid strictly regulated the movement of black South Africans and foreign workers, maintaining rigid social hierarchies.
With the end of apartheid in 1994, South Africa became a beacon of hope for many people across the continent. Neighbouring countries, having supported the anti-apartheid struggle, anticipated that the new South Africa would lead the charge in promoting pan-African unity and open its borders to fellow Africans seeking better opportunities. Indeed, South Africa has experienced a significant influx of immigrants, particularly from neighbouring countries in southern Africa.
The new government aimed to dismantle the socioeconomic structures that had marginalised most of the population. Economic instability, political turmoil and violence in countries like Zimbabwe, Mozambique and the Democratic Republic of the Congo have driven many of their citizens to seek refuge in South Africa, with Johannesburg being a primary destination.
The post-apartheid government embraced a more open immigration policy, reflecting its commitment to human rights. However, this liberal stance has not been without friction. Jo’burg’s urban environment has seen a rise in competition for jobs, housing and services, often leading to resentment among local communities towards immigrants.
Socioeconomic factors
Johannesburg’s skyline, dotted with high-rise buildings and cranes, suggests a city of unrelenting progress. Yet, beneath this glittering façade lies one of the most unequal cities in the world. The World Bank and various studies indicate that South Africa remains a highly unequal society. A significant portion of the population was denied access to economic possibilities because of apartheid policies and South Africa began the 1990s with already high levels of inequality. The Gini coefficient, a common measure of inequality, places South Africa among the most unequal countries globally, and nowhere is this divide more palpable than in Johannesburg. Wealthy suburbs like Sandton flourish, whereas townships and informal settlements such as Alexandra languish in poverty and neglect.Economic inequality in Johannesburg is not a new phenomenon. Still, the promise of democracy – with political freedom supposed to translate into economic opportunity – has failed many people. Thirty years later, democracy has not led to the mass reduction in inequality that so many people hoped for. South Africa’s high unemployment rate, particularly among the youth, has fuelled frustrations that are often misdirected towards immigrants. Many South Africans perceive immigrants as competitors for scarce resources and jobs. This perception is exacerbated by high levels of poverty and inequality, particularly in informal settlements.
Many immigrants in Johannesburg rely on informal or small-scale businesses to earn a living, facing opportunity and vulnerability in a challenging economic climate. Photo: Sanele Sithetho
As democracy stumbled in delivering economic equality, Johannesburg also became a beacon for migrants across Africa fleeing political instability, war and economic hardship. Zimbabweans, Nigerians, Somalis and Congolese, among others, arrived in the city in search of work and safety. They brought with them their entrepreneurial spirit, opening small businesses in the informal sector and contributing to the city’s vibrant culture.
But for many native South Africans living in poverty, these migrants became convenient scapegoats. As unemployment surged to more than 30% and service-delivery failed, accusations that foreigners were “stealing jobs” or “draining public resources” took root. Anti-immigrant sentiments morphed into violent outbreaks of xenophobia, most notably in 2008 and again in 2015. Johannesburg, the city meant to embody the dreams of a democratic South Africa, became the epicentre of anti-immigrant violence.
Police officers patrolling neighbourhoods known for tensions. South African authorities play a critical role in managing tensions, with police presence aiming to prevent violence and protect communities. Photo: Sanele Sithetho
Perceptions of crime have significantly influenced anti-immigrant sentiment. A series of violent incidents involving immigrants have given rise to the stereotype that foreign nationals are responsible for crime in the city. Although studies indicate that crime is a multifaceted issue not limited to immigrant populations, these perceptions have been manipulated by politicians and media, deepening divisions.
Political rhetoric plays a crucial role in shaping public opinion on immigration. Political parties and leaders have used anti-immigrant rhetoric to galvanise support, portraying immigrants as a burden on social services and a threat to job security. This has led to waves of xenophobic violence, with Johannesburg witnessing several violent outbreaks against immigrant communities. This politicisation has further entrenched negative attitudes, undermining social cohesion.
The rise of movements like Operation Dudula – a vigilante group targeting foreign-owned businesses and calling for the mass deportation of immigrants – reflects how dangerous this scapegoating can become. Such movements frame the immigration issue in narrow, exclusionary terms, reducing it to a zero-sum game in which the presence of foreign nationals is directly correlated with the suffering of South Africans.
Politicians such as minister of sports, arts and culture Gayton McKenzie, the leader of the Patriotic Alliance, and former mayor of Johannesburg Herman Mashaba, who leads ActionSA, are among the politicians who promoted anti-immigrant rhetoric.
McKenzie has called for the enforcement of stricter immigration laws to control the influx of illegal immigrants. He believes that this would help to protect jobs for South Africans, particularly in impoverished communities. In turn, Mashaba emphasises the importance of adhering to the rule of law and has advocated for improved border security and better tracking of immigrants within the country.
Public policy specialist Dr Kagiso “TK” Pooe, says McKenzie and Mashaba have highlighted a problem that is often ignored. The South African government and some liberal-leaning publications have glossed over average South Africans discomfort with illegal migration. “What parties like Action SA, the Patriotic Alliance and the like did was address their long-ignored plea for redress on this matter,” he says.
In response to rising xenophobia, numerous civil society organisations have emerged in Johannesburg, advocating for immigrant rights and fostering dialogue between communities. Initiatives like the African Centre for Migration & Society have sought to document immigrants’ experiences and challenge negative stereotypes. These organisations play a vital role in promoting tolerance and understanding amid the ongoing challenges.
Thandi, who asked that only her first name be used, is a 28-year-old Malawian immigrant who arrived in Johannesburg two years ago, fleeing economic hardship and political instability in her home country. Lacking legal documentation, she found herself in a desperate situation, needing to support her family back home.
After weeks of searching for work, Thandi finally found a job at a local restaurant. However, the experience was far from what she had hoped. Her employer took advantage of her undocumented status, paying her significantly less than other employees and making her work long hours without breaks. “I was afraid to speak up,” Thandi recalls. “I needed the job, but I knew I was being treated unfairly.”
One day, Thandi fell ill and could not report to work. When she returned, her employer informed her that she would not be paid for the days she missed and threatened to report her to immigration authorities if she continued to cause “trouble”. Feeling powerless, she accepted the terms, enduring the harsh conditions for fear of losing her only source of income.
Thandi’s story highlights the vulnerability faced by many undocumented immigrants in Johannesburg. They often endure exploitation, fearing legal repercussions while striving for better lives. “I just wanted a chance to work and support my family,” Thandi says, emphasising the harsh reality of seeking opportunities in a challenging environment.
Democracy, capitalism and the divided city
Immigration to South Africa has been growing, with significant numbers of migrants moving for employment and education. However, there was a decline in migration during the covid-19 pandemic.
Anti-immigrant sentiment in Johannesburg is not only a fringe phenomenon: it has found resonance in political movements and everyday conversation.
One man, who prefers to remain anonymous, speaks honestly about his frustrations. “These foreigners come here and take what’s ours,” he says. “We don’t have enough jobs, houses or food, but they seem to have their own businesses and drive cars. Why should they get what we don’t have? This is our country.”
So, where does the blame lie? Has democracy failed Johannesburg, or has the city’s experiment with capitalism exacerbated the divide? The Human Sciences Research Council’s South African Social Attitudes survey found that only 48% South Africans were happy with democracy. Pooe believes there is a declining satisfaction with liberal democracy.
According to political analyst Dr Thandeka Dlamini, the blame should be shared. “Democracy in South Africa is a political achievement, but without economic transformation, it was never going to be enough,” she says. “The country has followed a neoliberal economic model that prioritises markets and profits, often at the expense of addressing deep-rooted inequalities. Democracy promised the people freedom, but it allowed capitalism to run rampant. The result is a divided society where the elite – both black and white – prosper, while the rest fight over scraps.”
Her words are echoed by migrant advocate and activist Musa Nkosi, who points out the irony in South Africa’s xenophobia. “Johannesburg was built on the backs of migrant labour – first from the rural parts of South Africa, and later from all over Africa,” Nkosi says. “To say that migrants are now the problem is not only false, but deeply hypocritical. The problem is the system that has failed to provide for everyone.”
A fresh wave of xenophobic tension now threatens to tear apart the fragile social fabric of South Africa’s largest city. Recently, in Soweto’s Naledi township, a tragic incident underscored how deeply these divides run. Five children, aged between 6 and 7, lost their lives after allegedly consuming snacks purchased from a local spaza shop. As news spread that the shop was operated by foreign nationals, rage and grief morphed into violence, reigniting simmering anti-immigrant sentiments.
“We’ve been complaining for a long time about the conditions in these shops,” says Zandile Tshabalala, a Naledi resident. “But no one listens. Now, children are dead. These foreign shops come here, sell us expired goods, and no one cares until something like this happens.”
For many people, the presence of foreign-owned spaza shops is symbolic of their broader economic exclusion. Many South Africans feel that migrants have cornered the informal retail market, while locals struggle to find jobs or open their own businesses. The economic frustration, coupled with poor regulation and governance, has turned foreign nationals into easy targets for displaced anger.
Amid the escalating crisis, the South African department of labour has weighed in, taking a balanced stance. The department has expressed concerns over the conditions in which many spaza shops operate, calling for stricter compliance with labour and health regulations. However, it has also emphasised that the violence and destruction of foreign-owned businesses are unlawful and counterproductive.
The tragedy in Naledi is a stark reminder of the fragile state of democracy in Johannesburg. Although the city has politically transformed over the past 30 years, it remains economically divided. Democracy in Johannesburg has undeniably brought political freedom, but it has failed to dismantle the economic disparities that plague its residents. The rise of anti-immigrant sentiments is an unfortunate byproduct of this failure, with migrants often bearing the brunt of frustration in a system that seems rigged against the poor.
FEATURE IMAGE: Immigrants residing in the informal settlement of Hillbrow gathered together. Photo: Sanele Sithetho
Social media can be a powerful catalyst for social movements has sparked revolution, amplifying voices for social justice and transformation.
Serving both as a reflection of societal values and a powerful tool for shaping public opinion and mobilising change, pop culture to me is the collective creativity and imagination that shapes my identity and influences my daily life.
From music and film to fashion and social media, pop culture also actively contributes to the evolution of social movements, often accelerating their impact and broadening their reach.
However, the advent of social media has really revolutionised the landscape of social movements in South Africa. Platforms like TikTok, Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram have provided new avenues for activism and engagement between citizens, influential figures, and government too.
Social media as an extension of pop culture has profoundly shaped how I speak, write and interact with people. It has introduced me to new words, phrases and expressions that I have adapted as part of my everyday vocabulary. From using common slang and interacting with memes, it has constantly been evolving and influencing my social life.
Every now and then, a new word or phrase explodes on TikTok. Suddenly, it’s all anyone can say. A relevant example is the current Tiktok trend started by Joolie Lebron of “very demure, very mindful”. This is because the trend has expanded my vocabulary, exposing me to the word as a synonym for modesty, something that would have likely remained unknown to me.
Another example of the power of social media in contemporary South African activism, was the #FeesMustFall movement, which began as a student-led protest against rising tuition fees is evidence of such power.
The singing at protests, livestreamed and tweeted updates and meetings, not only made the protests more visible but also underscored the cultural significance of the struggle. The movement, which gained momentum through online campaigns, brought thousands of students from behind the screens of their phones out onto the streets, leading to significant discussions and policy changes regarding higher education funding.
Similarly, social media has been instrumental in the #TotalShutDown movement, which seeks to addresses gender-based violence (GBV) and femicide. Digital platforms were used to organise protests, share survivors’ stories, and advocate for legislative changes. The ability to mobilise rapidly and engage a wide audience demonstrates the transformative potential of social media, the icon of pop culture, in driving social change.
While pop culture has proven its worth in society, it also faces challenges. The commercialisation of activism, where social issues are turned into marketable products or trends, can dilute the core messages of movements.
An example is how GBV and women equality is a serious social issue in the context of SA and so often, companies do not necessarily make active steps to address these issues but year in, year out they will go on these campaigns of 16 days of activism and about women’s month.
A recent example of this is the e-hailing service, bolt. In South Africa, bolt is infamous for drivers beating, kidnapping, raping and stabbing unsuspecting riders. Yet yearly, they always have a women’s day and a 16 days of activism campaign running. Promos are given to female clients during women’s month by bolt, yet the on-going violence between drivers and female passengers that have been reported are not addressed swiftly.
This commercialization can shift the focus from advocating for substantial policy changes and addressing systemic issues to merely capitalizing on a trendy cause.
Additionally, the rapid spread of information on social media can sometimes lead to misinformation or superficial engagement with complex issues.
Social media is a potent force in shaping social movements by amplifying marginalised voices, challenging societal norms, and promoting collective action. Its ability to engage large audiences and frame important issues in accessible ways makes it a crucial element of modern social movements.
Global Monkeypox (Mpox) outbreak spreads rapidly, prompting public health emergency measures.
Monkeypox, a rare and contagious viral disease-causing fever, headache, muscle aches and a characteristic rash, has sparked global concern as cases surge.
The World Health Organization (WHO) urges enhanced surveillance, vaccination, and public awareness to control the outbreak of Mpox, stating “immediate action is needed to control the spread”, said WHO Director General, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus.
FEATURED IMAGE: Monkeypox virus information graphic created by Sanele Sithetho
In scenes resembling some recent parliamentary sittings, a debate descended into chaos as EFFSC and SASCO hurled insults at each other.
The Wits Student Representative Council (SRC) ‘Political Showdown’ on August 5, 2024, descended into chaos as the Economic Freedom Fighters Student Command (EFFSC) and South African Student Council (SASCO) heckled each other leading to the event being dismissed abruptly.
The event was held to provide a platform for discussion of SRC’s work in the 2023/24 period.
The panelists included the SRC President, Bukisa Boniswa who is politically affiliated with the EFFSC, Former Treasurer of the SRC, Kabelo Phungwayo who is politically affiliated with SASCO and the EFFSC chairperson, Surprise Mathebula. The facilitators of the event were the SRC Clubs and societies officer Tshepiso Khesa and the Social science student council chairperson, Nombulelo Chiya.
Student populace, EFFsc and SASCO members engaging in a gwijo session. Photo Salim Nkosi
The stage was set by the first question posed to the SRC President which asked, “Why was it not necessary for a student protest action to take place at the beginning of the year when NSFAS students could not register due to outstanding debts?”
Boniswa said the SRC raised R10 million through their fundraising efforts, which was used to help students who needed assistance with registration. She said this was the highest amount ever raised without resorting to protest. Through these funds NSFAS beneficiaries with outstanding or historical debt were able to register this year.
In addition, students with an average of above 50% were assisted with registration. The SRC has also compiled a monthly bursary bible, stacked with opportunities for eligible students.
Moreover, the SRC ensured that all Honours students that applied for the SRC fund this year got funded. Master’s and PhD candidates were considered and advised to apply for assistance through their faculties, which is something that has never occurred.
But these successes were quickly shot down by mostly SASCO student activists who shouted that it was all “lies”. A shouting match ensued to a point where the two groups started challenging each other to a physical fight.
An altercation between students following the SRC Presidents address. Photo: Salim Nkosi
After some calm was restored, Phungwayo took to the podium and challenged some of Boniswa’s key points. The issue that he challenged was the ability to register all NSFAS students that had outstanding and historical debts to the institution. He said according to the financial rules of the institution, bursary funded students are not charged interest.
Furthermore, he said that the government and the NSFAS board have a clear working relationship which works in a way that if one is funded by the government, there is no institution that is supposed to deny them access due to any outstanding fees, whether it is own debt or government debt.
After Phungwayo’s response the ‘showdown’ again descended into a shouting match between the EFFSC and SASCO activists. Facilitators tried hard to restore order to no avail. They were left with no choice but to dismiss the debate and send attendees home without clarity on the matters raised.
FEATURED IMAGE: The chaotic scene at the political showdown debate. Photo: Sanele Sithetho
Students should be commended for having part-time jobs as the amount of time and effort required seems excruciating.
Navigating academic life as a postgraduate student in journalism while balancing work has been both exhilarating and challenging. It is a battle between getting good grades while also maintaining your lifestyle.
By day, I always envisioned myself uncovering groundbreaking stories and diving into my bustling side hustle by night. Well, looking at things now, it is safe to say that is not how it is currently unfolding.
Many students in South Africa manage to work part-time jobs while they attend school. Approximately 20% of students in higher education institutions work part-time, per a Stats South Africa report.
The requirement to obtain work experience and provide financial support for their studies is a contributing factor to this trend. Tsatsawani Nkuna, studying BSc in Property Studies at Wits University works part-time as a waitress at a restaurant in Braamfontein to cover her monthly expenses.
Many people are forced to work and study simultaneously due to financial constraints, the rising cost of education, and the need to gain practical work experience. This situation often leads to a challenging but enriching journey where individuals learn to balance multiple responsibilities and build resilience.
Being door staff – the person who charges an entry fee at the Play Braam establishment – is thrilling, as I get to engage with different personalities and learn from some. However, this can sometimes get a bit tiring, as I am someone who runs on a limited social battery.
My working hours are from 10am till 8pm every Saturday and some Sundays. While overtime runs depending on the duration of a certain event taking place, there are also days during the week where there are events, and I am allocated a shift.
Having to show up for my classes whilst making sure I earn money to sustain myself was something that I could easily balance at first. The intensity with having to master my time management skills and prioritizing tasks though is what I struggle with.
There have been instances where I would attend class knowing that I’d have to rush to work right after, and by the time I get to res, exhaustion would kick in.
Every week I juggle coursework and assignments alongside my job. Balancing academic responsibilities leads to a hectic schedule, leaving little time for rest and social activity.
One of the benefits that keeps me going is the financial independence I have acquired. My reasons for taking on a part-time job vary as it covers a part of my tuition fees and my living expenses. Financial independence is also important as it keeps me mindful of my spending habits.
The experience can be incredibly rewarding, but it requires a thoughtful approach to balance and commitment.
In an exhilarating final game, Barnies took on the reins, making them the crowning champions on campus.
Barnato hall remained undefeated with a score of 24-13 in their last intense Wits internal netball league match at Diggs Field on Tuesday, 14 May 2024.
The game started in high spirits, with Barnato scoring 8-2 goals in the first quarter, making it difficult for the Zulu Society to catch up. Most of the goals were scored by Seleke.
Barnato player in possession of the ball trying to bypass opponents. Photo: Sanele Sithetho
Barnato was disadvantaged as their goal attack, Onkarabetse Seleke was coming back from a knee injury that she suffered during their previous game. However, she managed to score most of the goals in the first quarter.
Zulu Society made a comeback in the second quarter, ending the 15-minutes with a 5-4 score.
The third quarter was intense, resulting in the injury of Barnato’s goal defence, Ayanda Kunene who cried out in pain after spraining her ankle due to a hard fall, leading her to be removed from the game.
Further into the quarter, Seleke’s knee injury inflicted pain, but she insisted on persevering and seeing the game to the end. In reducing the pressure on her, the coach, Esther Ukpe advised her to switch positions with the goal shooter, Hazel Moyo.
Players battling to catch the ball. Photo: Sanele Sithetho
Despite the disadvantages experienced by Barnato, as they led into the final quarter, they had already known that this was their game. However, Zulu Society did not give them an easy time, as they defended till the end. The quarter ended with a score of 9-2.
Barnato flare up in excitement when the referee blew the last whistle, whilst someone from the crowd screamed “now that’s how you end a league.”
Ukpe told Wits Vuvuzela that the game went very well. “Two of our players got injured and we were struggling through the game, but we fortunately managed to push through” she said. She added that moving forward, the team will work on their communication during games, as this could improve their overall performance.
Amnandi Masimula, the coach of the Zulu Society was proud of her team despite them losing. “It was tough, it was a tough game, but we prevailed up until the end,” she said.
FEATURED IMAGE: An intense final internal league netball match between Barnato and Zulu Society. Photo: Sanele Sithetho
Celebrating the new graduates and enhancing the postgraduate social life on campus through what organisers hope will become an annual fixture.
The postgraduate association (PGA) at Wits university have an upcoming festival on Saturday, April 13, 2024, at Sturrock Park West Campus from 14:00 till 02:00 called ‘No degree, no entry’ as a way of celebrating with newly graduates.
The Chairperson of the PGA, Okuhle Mafrika, said while Wits University’s vision for 2022/23 is postgraduate friendly and research intensive, postgraduate students do not feel that sense of inclusivity.
Mafrika claimed that Wits focuses on undergraduate students, for instance hosting a Freshers party to welcome them but nothing for postgraduate students.
The PGA has taken it upon themselves to instil a sense of belonging and celebrate postgraduate students.
‘No degree, no entry’ is a festival aimed at attracting more postgraduates to the PGA community and motivate undergraduate students.
“The No degree, no entry festival will hopefully be an annual event depending on its success,” he said.
There have been challenges such as securing sponsors and getting approval from the university since this is a new concept.
Mafrika said “there are about 12 000 postgraduates and 24 000 undergraduates” so as the PGA they had to “sell the idea to students and to funders” first. They have chosen to do this with a star studded line-up students will find difficult to resist.
The money generated is for fundraising purposes to assist postgraduate students with accommodation fees, as they hardly qualify for the hardship fund, said Mafrika. The hardship fund is mainly allocated for indebted undergraduate students.
Tickets are on sale for R150 for Wits graduates and R200 for graduates from other universities and Wits undergraduates. Performances by Master KG, Mòrda, Elaine, Langa Mavuso, Kelvin Momo, Shakes and Les, Leemkrazy and many more are to be expected.
The dean of students, Jerome September, said, “There have been initiatives that sought to cater for postgraduate students such as the postgraduate orientation programme and the book club run by the division of student affairs.” Wits is constantly reviewing these and looking at new and further ways to support and create a positive postgraduate student experience.
FEATURED IMAGE: The first of many No, degree, no entry festival. Photo: Wits PGA
“At the moment, we are pushing crime further and further away from the university,” claims Gary Kruser, Director of Campus Protection Services.
After the recent Braamfontein shooting, where two students were caught in the crossfire, Wits Campus Protection Services (CPS) has enhanced security measures in the area.
Kruser said, “We use what we call underground people who are not wearing uniform. We will never give details on the increased number of security [measures] because it gives away our advantage,” he said.
Part of the deployment of security guards, CPS works jointly with South African Police Services (SAPS), Metro Police and stakeholders such as Bad Boyz Security, private security which covers Wits’ Braamfontein and Parktown campuses.
Slindile Mazibuko, from the Wits Service Department, says she feels safe because of CPS. “They are always on their guard station. I say this because I’m using public transport to come to work so always when I get to the entrance, I find a security guard welcoming me well,” she said.
Bangelihle Mudau, a second-year student says, “I don’t really think there has been an increase in security services specifically at the gates where biometrics are needed to enter or exit. There are no security guards present at times to safeguard us and check who is entering the campus. As I am standing here, I am afraid to wait for my bus outside the premises because I have my laptop in my bag, and it is risky.”
A Campus Protection Service campaign was recently held on campus to arm students with information about what security services are at their disposal. Photo: Sanele Sithetho
CPS is implementing ongoing crime prevention campaigns by going to residences and faculties to create awareness. Additionally, CPS is forming a structure to open a mobile service centre in the next couple of months, so more incidents of crime can be recorded and responded to.
The CPS is urging students to download the mySOS app on the Google Play Store or App Store. The mySOS app has a response time of three to five minutes after you have pressed the panic button, and it can help get one out of danger once a response team is activated via the 24 hour CPS operation centre.
FEATURED IMAGE: Campus Protection Services staff raising awareness on campus. Photo: Sanele Sithetho
Societal expectations and experiences can often place pressure on people’s relationships. With Valentine’s Day coming up we have asked individuals questions about their views on certain relationship dynamics especially when it comes to the most anticipated day of the year for some lovers, Valentines Day. Viewers shared their beliefs and Siyanda and Katlego talk about […]
