Social mobility is not a walkable journey

Education breeds success, but for some Born Frees to grasp their promised freedom, parents have to make the difficult decision of placing them in schools outside the township – with or without the government’s help in getting them there.

Itumeleng ‘Tumi’ Segoale starting his accounting articles in 2021. Photo: Nancy Segoale/Supplied

Tumi Segoale’s story, navigating the opportunities available to him as a Born Free, reflects the truth President Cyril Ramaphosa attempted to allude to in his story of Tintswalo. It is not a tale of fantasy, but real struggle – and, more importantly, effort – to get into the desired middle class, which many people often find to be a mirage.

The born-free generation are democracy’s children: those “born without the burden of apartheid”, either after 1990, the year Nelson Mandela was released from prison, or post-1994, the year of the first democratic election. Supposedly, Born Frees are able to enjoy a standard of living and a recovering economy withheld from their parents. 

The latest Quarterly Labour Force Survey from Statistics South Africa (Stats SA) shows that unemployment among people with less than a matric is 30% higher than among those who have graduated from a tertiary institution. Born Frees, therefore, need to access education before they can access this economic advantage.

Itumeleng “Tumi” Segoale was born in 1998 at the Johannesburg Hospital. He has stayed in the same house in Jabulani, Soweto for as long as he can remember. “Listening to my parents talk about how they grew up and how tough it was… it dawned on me just how flippin’ lucky we are that we were born at the right time,” he says.

Children’s Geographies published a study exploring the relationship between school choice and geography in Soweto. As a result of the apartheid-era Bantu Education Act, the educational policy of schools and the resources devoted to the specific institutions were wholly determined along racial lines. 

What this created, even in the democratic era, is a legacy of well-performing, well-resourced schools typically found in “white” areas. “It has left behind a persistent set of geographically defined inequalities in educational infrastructure and resources,” the study states. According to South African Policy, a learner is considered to attend a “local” school if they travel a maximum of 3km from their home. The study notes that about a third of children between1997 and 2003 travelled more than 3km to school, with about 20% travelling more than 10km.

Tumi Mashiane, the executive manager’s assistant of the Southern African Bus Operators Association, contextualises the transport system before 1994. “Pre-democracy, the transport system was fragmented, largely serving affluent areas while neglecting townships. Infrastructure was underfunded and often inadequate.” 

Bedfordview is a quiet suburb in eastern Johannesburg. Some 14,000 people populate the calm streets, with two-thirds of them being white and English-speaking. Tumi attended Bedfordview Primary School (BPS), one of the few public schools in the suburb. The well-known school is surrounded by a bright, green fence, providing just enough space to see the six-lane swimming pool and newly built classrooms glimmering in the sunlight. The opposite side of the school hosts the general pick-up and drop-off area. This is well-paved with a gorgeous exposed brick display, sponsored, in part, by the students and parents through a buy-a-brick campaign. The school takes advantage of its location in a suburb where the average cost of a property is just shy of R3-million. Tumi’s parents worked near the school and it became the natural choice to send their son there. 

Reflecting on this decision, he tells me, “There’s always a weird conception about… going to school in the hood that I’ve seen and it’s not good.” Tumi felt he attended a school that forced him to take his education seriously, an experience his friends attending local schools did not receive. In 2010, Soweto had 60 underperforming schools; other townships, such as Sharpeville, Tembisa and Mamelodi, recorded only 10 each. Then MEC of education Barbara Creecy hosted a summit to address the extensive rate of underperforming schools in Soweto compared to other townships. Although many parents were now placing their children in wealthier, “white” schools, resources were not necessarily committed to match this increase in mobility.

With apartheid’s legacy of confining black people outside urban centres, public transport infrastructure could not adequately address urban development in overpopulated, under-resourced areas like Soweto. “We have a new tendency called the urban sprawl, meaning areas coming into existence not far outside our urban centres of work and or residence,” says Lunga Jacobs, a lecturer and researcher in the Department of Transport at the University of Johannesburg (UJ). 

One KPI set out in the 1996 White Paper was an average travel time to work of less than an hour. Every morning, during peak traffic, Tumi would spend up to an hour-and-a-half on the road to get to school. The government had 10 years to make schooling more accessible for students like Tumi, who attended BPS the year after this milestone was meant to be achieved. At this time, taxis from Soweto dropped their passengers off at the Eastgate Mall taxi rank, a 35-minute walk to the school. Fortunately, Tumi attended school near his parents’ work and they could drive him. 
Unfortunately, due to a budget shortfall in the billions, expired bus contracts from 1997 were renewed on a short-term basis, ranging from month-to-month to three years. Short contracts and underfunding required prioritising the maintenance of the ageing bus fleet, preventing conductors from adding additional routes to meet passenger demands. When contracts were offered, none were awarded. Therefore, any bus routes entering Bedfordview (and similar areas) did not travel deep enough into the suburb to reach Tumi’s school. “[W]e in transport… have a term called ‘sunk cost’… meaning it’s costs you forgo for the benefits you will reap on the infrastructure over the long term,” Jacobs says. But without such outlay, bus owners are unable to effectively plan for the future of urban development.

A rea vaya bus in a state of disrepair. Photo: Thato Gololo

Safety is a concern surrounding any method of public transport, whether rail, bus or taxi. “I was so terrified that once I had a phone, if it got stolen, my parents just wouldn’t have the cash to buy it for me,” Tumi says. Stats SA’s National Household Travel Survey continuously emphasises this same sentiment. The 2013 survey, specifically, demonstrated that households had to wait even longer to access public transport than previously, with their journey times increasing. This lack of reliability, combined with safety concerns, likely contributed to the increase in private vehicles on the road, directly contradicting the government’s KPI of decreasing private-vehicle use.
More than two-thirds of people in the country now use taxis as a means of transport, but the taxi sector is a notoriously difficult industry for the government to regulate. Although taxis are an affordable method of transport, the industry is marred by ‘intimidation, lawlessness [and a] lack of vehicle safety protocols’. A study on transport economics reflected on taxis’ increasing market share, saying that, should other means of transport not be developed, “The country will soon become entirely dependent on the informal minibus taxi industry.” A haunting warning of what was to come.

The taxi industry, with its increasing market share in transport (almost 90% of the country at this point), is not subsidised by the government in the same way as the train and bus systems. Olga Mashilo, the director of Boleng Bontle Consultants, which specialises in transport and logistics research, says that a major contributor to the expense of transport is the cost of fuel. “We’re putting too much [in]to the fuel levy and there is no return on investment when you look at the infrastructure,” she says.

Nevertheless, craving independence, and to avoid that early morning struggle his parents still experience, Tumi began to actively explore his options during university. When he started at UJ, he discovered a web of transport allowing him to arrive at school at his leisure. Going to UJ’s Soweto campus allowed him to take a shuttle directly to the main campus. After that it was a simple Rea Vaya bus to anywhere else in the city. This is a path that many students in Soweto follow.  

To survive this city, you’ve got to have thick soles. And, if you can’t drive, walk.

INFOGRAPHIC: Uptick in unemployment rate

According to the Quarterly Labour Force Survey released by Statistics South Africa on August 13, 2024, the unemployment rate in South Africa has increased from 32.9% in the first quarter of the year to 33.5% in the second quarter. Unemployment has increased in the second quarter of each year since 2019.

 

Grindr 7’s case trial ready, but plagued by delays 

Once legal representation disputes are settled, the infamous Grindr 7 will receive a trial date. 

The Grindr 7 case was remanded again on August 12 to settle disputes regarding the legal representation of three of the accused. This comes after a spate of appearances and postponements to address the same issue since March 2024 in the Johannesburg Magistrate’s Court. 

The seven accused, Sanele Ndlovu, 26, Vikani Khanyeza, 28, Sohollo Khumalo, 26, Sphamandla Mavundla, 33, Lungisani Shabalala, 33, Thulani Mazibuko, 23, and Khayelihle Zulu, 24, were arrested in late 2023 for the alleged kidnapping of a Wits University student using the LGBTQI+ dating app, Grindr.  

The seven accused as they descend the steps to return to custody until their next date. Photo: Thato Gololo

Further charges were brought against the men for extortion and attempted murder as the state alleges that upon kidnapping the victim, the men held him for ransom of R30 000.   

The case had previously been postponed on July 11, 2024, so that the state and the attorney for Ndlovu, Khanyeza and Khumalo could settle internal disputes regarding certain submissions made by the defense to the state.  

According to the defense, these submissions were not addressed by the state, therefore the matter cannot proceed, yet the state refutes this, claiming they require written proof that these submissions were made in the first place. 

Though these disputes linger, Magistrate Simon Radasi confirmed the trial readiness of all the parties. This means that all evidence has been submitted, and all witnesses have been listed and confirmed. Regardless, Magistrate Radasi irritation was clear. “My role is to sit here and listen to evidence. If this [dispute] is not settled within the next two weeks, I will hold an inquest. If [the inquest determines] the delay is unreasonable, it will go for trial.”  

Many members of LGBTQI+ advocacy group, Parents, Families and Friends of South African Queers (PFSAQ) were in attendance, filling almost half of the public seating available.  

They expressed the belief that the defense is employing delay tactics to avoid trial. “What we are happy about is that the magistrate is saying, ‘whether representation or no representation, the case will proceed to trial’,” says PFSAQ member Virginia Magwaza. 

As bail was refused for all the accused, they will remain in custody and appear on August 29, 2024, to assess whether the dispute has been resolved and the case can proceed to trial. 

REVIEW: Deadpool & Wolverine wipes its feet on Fox’s grave

If you think the return of Wolverine in this movie cheapens his well-earned death in Logan, then welcome to comics – nothing is sacred or permanent, not even death. 

Cast: Ryan Reynolds, Hugh Jackman, Emma Corrin

Director: Shawn Levy

Vuvu Rating: 7/10

The Merc with a Mouth’s third instalment is both a love letter to Fox’s X-men franchise and an obituary to the now Disney-owned 20th Century Studios. 

Centered around Deadpool attempting to save his timeline from being annihilated, the film gives us an honest, if slightly underdeveloped, look at Ryan Reynold’s’ Deadpool’s view of himself. Someone destined for greatness but unable to reach it without the help of someone he views as greater than himself. Most portrayals of Deadpool often forget the core aspects of the character. The insecurity he masks with humour, and bravado he employs to cover the pain. 

Irreverent to an almost masturbatory extent, the film starts right where 2017’s Logan concluded. In classic Deadpool fashion, he speaks directly to the audience while using Wolverine’s decomposed skeleton to decimate oncoming TVA agents to the tune of NSYNC’s BYE BYE BYE. Taking the multiverse shenanigans of post-endgame MCU to the extreme, Deadpool & Wolverine manages to reinvigorate Marvel’s fourth-phase slump, while packing the entire movie with enough fan service to make even the most casual fan salivate. 

In 2019, Disney acquired Twentieth Century Fox for a whopping $71 billion and immediately renamed it to 20th Century Studios. This marked the final nail in the coffin for what was once a legendary studio, home to more iconic franchises than Deadpool has Disney-friendly euphemisms for cocaine. Allegedly, the prospect of adding the X-Men to its billion-dollar Marvel Cinematic Universe (MCU) was the main motivation for the purchase. However, it left an important question unanswered: how will Fox’s favourite mutants wrap-up their convoluted (and occasionally disastrous) story? 

The film gives Marvel a clean slate to work from, but more than that, helps us wash the salty taste of 2019’s Dark Phoenix from our mouths. With the titular characters travelling to “The Void”, a location for discarded characters accurately described as “a little Mad Max-y”, hilarious dialogue carries us from one gratuitous action scene to the next. Unfortunately, the plot and character work to take a back seat to Director Shawn Levy’s insistence on ever present winks to the audience. 

The movie does more than laugh at the decline of Fox (who infamously butchered Deadpool’s first appearance), instead choosing to arrange a worldwide chorus of audience members to roar directly in their face. With a $400 million global box office, it is safe to say it managed to arrange a two-hour contemporary dance on Fox’s grave. But nonetheless, Reynolds’ love of the character can be felt in every drop of blood on-screen.

Deadpool & Wolverine wraps itself up with a montage of bloopers and clips from some of the most iconic scenes in the 22-year history of Fox’s X-men. The movie goes to great lengths to give every character stuck under the Fox umbrella a conclusion worthy of their influence. The modern reincarnations of the characters are given as much respect and presence as their original versions. 

With some actors having portrayed these characters for the better part of two decades, Deadpool put a heart-shaped bullet hole into some of my all-time favourite characters. With the intricate web woven ever larger with each MCU release, this movie is a direct lesson. A character may actively desecrate everything you hold dear as a fan. And all you can do is enjoy the ride. 

Soweto HIV pilot project in full swing 

World Press Freedom Day: Inadequate funding impedes news production in SA  

SLICE: Graduating takes a village

Widaad Mahamed with her family prior to her graduation ceremony on April 2, 2024. Photo: Thato Gololo
Wits Vuvuzela’s own, Ruby Delahunt (left) and Victoria Hill (right) after their graduation ceremony on April 2, 2024. Photo: Thato Gololo
Ambesikhaya Ngobo and his wife Zusiphe Ngobo celebrating his graduation. Photo: Thato Gololo

Citizens unite in ‘We The People Walk’

Locals unite, in the north of the city centre, in JHB, to raise their voices to spotlight urgent human rights concerns.

A 5km march starting at the Old Fort building in Kotze Street, with the aim of fostering a collective action towards a more equitable and inclusive future, capped off this year’s Constitutional Hill Human Rights Festival.  

Event organizers celebrate the success of the We; the People Walk, uniting communities for human rights and democracy Photo: Thato Gololo

The peaceful protest, organized by the Constitutional Hill, comes during the month of Human Rights and saw people march through Braamfontein on Sunday, March 24, 2024. The festival honours the memories of those who died in the 1960 Sharpeville Massacre.  

Marchers held flags and posters with slogans like, “It’s your right to know it all.” Attendee, Princess Mkhwanazi told Wits Vuvuzela that she had fulfilled her responsibility as a civil citizen by partaking in the walk. “It’s for highlighting it to everybody, that as much as they (are) in their houses or at work, they also have human rights that should be respected, followed and adhered to,” Mkhwanazi said.

Marketing manager at the Constitutional Hill and Wits alumni, Joshua Sibeko, said, “What we stand for is that only the people of South Africa can change South Africa, if it was not for the people, South Africa would not exist.”

Other activities during the family-friendly festival included education on constitutional rights, film screenings, discussions, and taking people through the motions of voting on mock ballot papers.

EDITORIAL: Has our government realised the right to tertiary education?

Universities take the brunt of the frustration felt by students but the pressure of addressing student financial struggles cannot only be placed at their feet.

The material conditions of students have a monumental impact on the realisation of their right to further education. Since 2015, students have protested for the government to create an environment for “free” tertiary education at best and “affordable” tertiary education at worst. At present, one could argue that neither call has been adequately answered.

Section 29(1)(b) of the constitution places an obligation on the government, through reasonable measures, to progressively make further education available and accessible. Whether the material conditions of students have actually changed remains to be seen. With youth unemployment rising to over 80% for those with only a matric or less, the need for tertiary education is more important than ever.

Statistics from the Department of Higher Education show that the financial burden of student fees is increasing rather than decreasing. With Old Mutual estimating that it costs on average R55,900 to study in 2024. With 24% of South African households surviving on social grants, it is even more important that accessible higher education be made a priority. Much of the #FeesMustFall movement was centred on the fact that student historical debt was increasing despite the constitutional obligation placed on the government to assist students in need.

Former President Jacob Zuma announced a (rushed) free education policy in 2017, essentially ignoring recommendations regarding the lack of capacity of the state to provide such. As predicted, provisions were not made for the additional students who would inevitably register under this scheme resulting in student debt growing to an unparalleled R16.5 billion in 2021.

The National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS) struggles to reliably distribute funding allocated by the government. But what has been distributed has done little to alleviate the barriers which prevent students from accessing their constitutional right to further education. Capped NSFAS accommodation allowances came to a head when students were evicted from their accommodations in late 2023 for being unable to afford their rent in full.

While government spending on universities has also increased, it has made little difference as income, separate from students and government, has decreased. This past February, Wits University had set aside R30 million to assist academically qualifying students register for the coming year, and even that was not enough to accommodate everyone.

As the Student Representative Council president expressed earlier this year, constant protesting cannot be sustained, especially to address similar problems each year. Universities take the brunt of the frustration felt by students but the pressure of addressing student financial struggles cannot only be placed at their feet. The government consistently fails to meet constitutionally mandated obligations and near refuses to fulfil its own promises.

How powerful education is at unlocking the full potential of a human being to enjoy and exercise other fundamental rights is truly underestimated. The graduate unemployment rate (though significant in its own right) is over 22% lower than the national average.

To even begin redressing decades of historical oppression, an earnest attempt to empower individuals to access their own fundamental rights must be made. This Human Rights Day, we should consider whether a government that we cannot trust to even attempt to fulfil every person’s right to further education deserves our vote this coming election season.