Pope Leo XIV may be American, but his impact will be felt across the globe. He is here to lead all Catholics, not just his countrymen.
As a lifelong Catholic, I too watched the chimney of the Sistine Chapel on May 8, with anticipation. After one unsuccessful vote, white smoke finally billowed, the bells rang, and the Catholic world waited to meet its new pope.
This moment, usually marked by unity and reverence, quickly shifted into a debate.
Not about faith, but about nationality.
For the first time in history, the Pope is American, and this has stoked political anxiety. Pope Leo XIV, formerly Cardinal Robert Francis Prevost, has barely had time to settle into the papacy, and his past is already being dissected with a fervour we haven’t seen before, for a new pope.
His voting history and perceived ideological leanings are being examined with a scrutiny that one would expect for a political candidate, not for a faith leader. Those doing the digging are not just internet sleuths or political fanatics. Respected media houses have joined in too, legitimising this politicisation of the new pope.
Al Jazeera reported that according to Pope Leo ‘s voter information, his party affiliation is undeclared, but “he voted in the 2012, 2014 and 2016 Republican primaries”, which implies a connection with the Republican party. A primary is an election that political parties in the United States use to select candidates for the general election. The New York Times, ABC News and NBC News also reported on the Pope’s recent voting record.
This response is not entirely surprising. America has become an extremely politically divisive nation, so a global figure of authority coming from that landscape is bound to be scrutinised.
Understanding the Pope’s views on contentious issues like abortion, violence caused by war or political strife, contraception, refugees, or the role of women in the church is very important. After all, these views will ultimately shape the direction he chooses to steer the church. They will also impact every single member, especially young Catholics like me, who reconcile their faith with modern life every day.
However, it is important that his views are not seen as an extension of the American voice.
The Pope is not a symbol of American Catholicism. He is the spiritual leader of over a billion Catholics across the world. Reducing his leadership to being defined by American political discourse undermines the universality of the Catholic church.
The Pope’s influence is rooted in Rome, not in Washington.
Roman Catholic values should be the foundation of his leadership, not his personal beliefs (whatever they may be).
In his first Sunday address on May 11, I was impressed that he called for a ceasefire in Gaza, boldly saying “I would also like to address the powerful people of the world, repeating the always current call, no more war”.
On May 12, during the first news conference of his pontificate, he reaffirmed the church’s solidarity with journalists who have been imprisoned for calling out injustices. As a budding journalist, this endeared me to him to even more.
I anticipate that he will remain focused on the moral issues of our time, as he should.
The relevance of his leadership will be measured not by his country of origin, but by how well he advocates for justice, dignity for all, and peace on Earth.
FEATURED IMAGE: Mbali Khumalo, 2025 Wits Vuvuzela journalist. Photo: File/Paul Botes.
Wits University academic confronts the ongoing dispossession of Black communities in post-apartheid South Africa in new book.
Growing up under the shadow of stark inequality, Dr. Dineo Skosana developed a lifelong commitment to understanding and challenging the historical forces that shaped them. Now a lecturer in politics and researcher at the Society, Work and Politics Institute (SWOP) at Wits University, she weaves her academic and activist role around the themes of land, memory and social justice.
These are not just abstract ideas in her work, they are rooted in South Africa’s contemporary reality. “There’s a dangerous and growing discourse that says Black people don’t need land back, just jobs,” she says.
Dr. Dineo Skosana. Photo: Supplied
For Skosana, this narrative is both ahistorical and harmful. Her work consistently pushes back against such distortions, asserting that land is not only an economic asset but also a site of identity, heritage, and spiritual connection.
In her newly released book, No Last Place to Rest: Coal Mining and Dispossession in South Africa, Dr. Skosana reveals how coal extraction continues to dispossess Black communities, not just physically, but spiritually. “Dispossession is a continuing lived experience,” she explains. As South Africa faces both an energy crisis and an unresolved land reform debate, her book arrives at a crucial moment. It challenges whose knowledge and experiences are centred in national policy and how we define the meaning of land.
As a Black academic working in a historically white-dominated institution, Skosana has had to navigate systemic barriers. When she first entered Wits as a student, there were few Black South African lecturers. “Academia was associated with whiteness,” she recalls.
That legacy, she says, still lingers. “Many of us are challenging this,” she says. Urging senior African scholars to mentor emerging academics rather than gatekeep. “To bask in the company of European scholars can’t be our measure of success. We must build legacies with our communities and younger Black scholars.”
Her teaching is deeply informed by her research and by the knowledge of African communities themselves, co-producers of the insights she brings into the classroom. “Understanding the correlation between research and teaching maintains the integrity of what I teach,” she says.
Dr. Skosana’s journey is a reminder that academic spaces can be sites of resistance, and that knowledge especially when grounded in lived experience, remains a powerful tool for justice.
FEATURED IMAGE: Photo of No Last Place to Rest: Coal Mining and Dispossession in South Africa book. Photo: Supplied by Dr. Skosana
South Africa was crowned the country with the most press freedom in Africa after moving up 11 positions this year.
South Africa guarantees media freedom, as indicated by the recent World Press Freedom Day Index.
The 2024 general elections are to owe for the increase in ranking.
Despite improvement, some challenges still need to be addressed.
South Africa climbed the ladder and ranked 27th globally for press freedom, a jump from last year’s 38th ranking, according to the 2025 World Press Freedom Index released on May 2. Earning the top spot in Africa.
The World Press Freedom Index (WPFI) is an annual report, published by Reporters Without Borders (RSF) on World Press Freedom Day, ranking 180 countries according to the degree of freedom available to journalists in the previous year.
The country’s media freedom ranking is identified as ‘satisfactory’.
South Africa’s global media freedom ranking over five years. Graphic : Lukholo Mazibuko
“There is no question that journalists in South Africa work freely across the spectrum,” says Slindile Khanyile, Sanef’s (South African National Editors Forum) media freedom subcommittee chairperson.
But she adds, “Of course, it is not to say that there are no attempts to intimidate or censor them, but these are rare.”
The shift in position is believed to be indicative of the prominent 2024 elections. “I think being able to freely cover the 2024 general elections, which led to a coalition government at national level, for the first time since the dawn of democracy contributed to this,” says Khanyile.
On the elections, Reggie Moalusi, executive director of Sanef, adds, “Fortunately, we saw very few incidents when it comes to journalists being harassed and media freedom transgression where journalists or media houses were not allowed to do their work.”
Despite the progress, Moalusi critiques that the improvement on the mitigation of online harassment among female journalists would positively agitate the country’s ranking, for though the critical importance of media freedom is highlighted in the index, the treatment of journalists should not be overlooked. “There’s still a whole lot more of work that still needs to be done,” he said.
Khanyile also believes that “the continuation of investigative journalism in the public and private sector(s) played a role and contributed to the growth of independent media ownership.”
Waste Land covered by News24’s Sikonathi Manthshantsha and The Laundry by Dewald Van Rensburg of amaBhungane are examples of award-winning investigative series that reflect quality journalism.
Therefore, as Khanyile says, “[The index] reaffirms the country’s commitment to freedom of the press and freedom of expression.”
The effects of hunger among students need sensitivity and cannot be ignored.
The continued struggle of access to food for students in South Africa is a cause for concern and an urgent matter that needs to be addressed. Government feeding schemes are designed to help alleviate hunger among learners from primary school to high school level. Yet, even with these measures in place the problem of food insecurity persists.
Food insecurity refers to the physical unavailability of food where people are undernourished due to their lack of social or economic access to adequate food. It is worth emphasizing that food insecurity is not only the lack of food, but also a lack of access to nutritious and nourishing food.
Empty refrigerator with few consumable items. Photo: Simphiwe Maduma
Students without food or those who can only afford one meal a day are forced to attend classes on an empty stomach while waiting for lunchtime to receive their meal for the day. This poses serious implications in learning and concentration capacity and ability, therefore affecting students’ academic performance.
There is also the social well-being aspect of this problem for students such as difficulty in socializing. These students feel the need to hide their hunger and need for food to avoid being ostracized by their peers. This also affects their enthusiasm and ability to partake in campus life which forms part of socializing and engaging in new experiences.
The proportion of households in South Africa that experienced moderate to severe food insecurity was estimated at 19,7% in 2023. For students who come from such households, learning can be a nightmare.
FEATURED IMAGE: Small size empty takeaway container. PHOTO: Zanele S. Maduma
The first Obiter Lounge at Wits provided a platform for debate and re-imagination of freedom.
Wits students launched the first-ever Obiter Lounge with raw, unfiltered debate on what freedom really means 31 years into democracy.
Tensions flared as students clashed over gender, power and justice proving freedom is still a battleground in South Africa.
It is a bold space for truth-telling, growth, and uncomfortable but necessary dialogue.
Marking 31 years of democracy in South Africa, the Wits Law Students Council (LSC), hosted their first Obiter Lounge at Solomon Mahlangu House on April 25, 2025, designed as a space created for unfiltered, student-led dialogue.
This is in collaboration with the Wits Moot Society, the Black Lawyers Association Student Chapter (Wits BLA-SC), and the South African Women Lawyers Association (SAWLA).
The event invited students to speak openly about the promises enshrined in South Africa’s Constitution and question whether these are reflected in the daily lives of ordinary citizens.
Lesedi Lekoto, LSC gender and transformation officer opening a new topic for discussion. Photo: Lukholo Mazibuko
Initial hesitation gave way to passionate contributions as students reflected on freedom as it relates to race, gender, class, education, and safety. Finger snaps and applause punctuated personal encounters of freedom: from political to academic, economic to social, and from safety to justice.
The turning point of the event came when controversial opinions sparked gasps, murmurs of disbelief, and passionate rebuttals, raising tensions as someone on the floor expressed that that once some black South Africans have been liberated in terms of wealth they isolate themselves from assisting those in lower positions than them, making them the most selfish out there.
This was received with backlash as others critiqued that blaming others for upward social mobility should come with the awareness that many were indoctrinated and fought for their freedom and others reminded the individual that black people must work twice as much to earn half as much and that escaping poverty is the point.
Students attentively listen in as a speaker expresses their thoughts on what freedom means to them. Photo: Lukholo Mazibuko
This conversation was exactly what Mihle Kunju, LSC Chairperson, hoped the session to spark, “The main takeaway I envisioned was the creation of tolerance for unpopular but somewhat logical views.”
He believes that it is through uncomfortable and brutal conversation that the country will realise its true purpose.
“The National Dialogue needs to be spearheaded by young people and requires an unwavering commitment to even the most radical ideals”, he said.
Third-year LLB student Mandisa Khathi captured the spirit of the evening: “It has opened my eyes to how much we can learn from one another. Spaces like this that bring people together are truly special.”
She said: “It’s refreshing to meet like-minded people who are as hopeful about the future of South Africa. Plus, it’s a great space for those who might not usually be heard to share their voices.”
The Obiter Lounge has officially set the tone for a new era of student dialogue that is raw, reflective, and urgently necessary.
FEATURED IMAGE: Students gathered in Solomon Mahlangu House for the Obiter Lounge. Photo: Lukholo Mazibuko
When degrading women is the punchline, what does that reveal about the audience laughing along?
“Minnie’s pretty bro. Why can’t she keep a man?”
“Bro, I’m telling you man. There’s got to be something wrong with her. Maybe her coochie smells or something. You know this happens, bro, it happens, especially with the hot girls.”
“Mac, what if she can’t cook?”
That’s not an out-of-character quote or a harmless joke gone too far. It’s yet another example of the routine misogyny that fuels Podcast and Chill, the cult-like podcast and online show that’s been trading integrity for views since 2018.
On April 24, Podcast and Chill co-hosts Macgyver Mukwevho “MacG” and Sol Phenduka once again crossed the line between edgy commentary and outright misogyny. While discussing media personality Minnie Dlamini’s recent breakup with businessman Brian Monaisa, the conversation quickly spiralled into provocative territory as the pair speculated on the reasons for their split.
This is not new or surprising. This is exactly what a large amount of South African entertainment has become – a breeding ground for lazy, degrading speech against women dressed up as unfiltered commentary.
The irony came fast and loud when, on April 28, Moja Love condemned MacG’s remarks. Yes, that Moja Love. The channel that built its brand on exploiting poor, vulnerable and black South Africans, suddenly wants to be the voice of reason.
The same Moja Love that the Broadcasting Complaints Commission of South Africa (BCCSA) fined in 2023 for airing scenes of domestic violence on Isencane Lengane without trigger warnings or adequate support for the abused being filmed. The same broadcaster that aired Uyajola 9/9, a show that turns toxic relationships into Sunday night entertainment.
Spare us the moral high ground.
Where are the gatekeepers? Unfazed, it seems. By carrying Moja Love and MacG’s content, broadcasters like DStv fail to uphold the principles of the BCCSA’s code of conduct.
This code protects viewers from harmful content and ensures fair and balanced programming. It states that broadcasting licensees must “exercise exceptional care and consideration in matters involving the privacy, dignity and reputation of individuals.”
The code goes on to expressly state that licensees “must not broadcast material which […] sanctions, promotes or glamorises violence or unlawful conduct based on race, national or ethnic origin, colour, religion, [or] gender.”
Let’s be honest. Podcast and Chill isn’t the disease, it’s the symptom. The South African entertainment industry has fallen in love with controversy because outrage pays. Misogyny and vulgarity are now marketed as “being real.” The uglier the take, the better the numbers.
Podcast and Chill is one of the most consumed shows in the country, with 1.57 million subscribers on YouTube. Moja Love still pulls audiences despite constant public backlash.
So what does this say about us? Is our appetite for entertainment so bottomless that we’ll swallow anything, even casual violence or gender-based humiliation?
We’re not just bystanders. We’re complicit.
If the South African entertainment industry won’t change, then maybe the public should change the channel.
Or at the very least, ask ourselves, “why are we still watching?”
FEATURED IMAGE: Podcast and Chill co-hosts MacG and Sol Phenduka have ignited another sexism scandal, this time taking aim at actress Minnie Dlamini. Graphic: Mbali Khumalo.
The Constitution Hill opened its doors for free entry to commemorate Freedom Day.
Free tours were given to honour South Africa’s journey from apartheid to democracy.
Visitors reflected on the painful history of apartheid and the importance of protecting constitutional rights.
Civic organisations and young South Africans called for stronger civic education and wider access to historical spaces.
Visitors at the Constitutional Court foyer at Constitution Hill. Photo: LikhoMbuka
Exactly 31 years after the fall of apartheid, Constitution Hill opened its doors to South Africans, offering free tours to unite them through shared experiences that give meaning to South Africa’s constitutional democracy.
The tours on April 27 allowed visitors to explore the historic prison cells and exhibitions free of charge. For many, it was a powerful and emotional reminder of a painful past.
A bench marked ‘No Whites Only’ on display at Constitution Hill. Photo: LikhoMbuka
For Nomonde Velaphi, a community activist, walking through the harsh prison conditions was a sobering experience, one that reminded her not to take her freedoms for granted. “Sometimes we forget our history.” She said.
Sipho Sibiya, said the tour stirred deep emotions. Seeing the cells where prisoners once suffered made the reality of injustice in South Africa’s past feel immediate and personal. For him, the constitution’s Bill of Rights stands as a reminder of the responsibilities that come with freedom.
Irfaan Mangera, from the civic education group We The People South Africa, said Freedom Day is not just about commemoration, but about sustaining democracy through civic education. The group recently launched a free online constitutional literacy programme, supported by Saturday workshops in partnership with institutions like the Constitutional Court and Alt Advisory.
Two visitors watch the Freedom Day exhibition on a TV screen. Photo: LikhoMbuka
Katlego Mahlasela, a student cyclist, echoed the day’s message of civic learning. She said spaces like Constitution Hill are essential for her generation to understand the roots of freedom.
Constitution Hill’s communications officer, Janine Muthusamy, reinforced this sentiment, adding that the “Free for All” initiative is about more than just opening doors. ‘It’s about ensuring access and engagement, especially among young people, to deepen constitutional awareness,” she said.
The day’s visitors made one thing clear: remembering history is important, but building an inclusive, evolving democracy is the task that lies ahead.
FEATURED IMAGE: Visitors explore exhibitions at Constitution Hill during a free tour on Freedom Day. Photo: LikhoMbuka
Despite democracy, inequality remains deeply rooted in South Africa. Colonial-era systems and weak leadership keep many struggling, making true freedom feel like an illusion rather than reality.
South Africans celebrated Freedom Day on April 27, marking 31 years of freedom, but a nation once propelled by the dreams of liberation, finds itself in a paradox where democracy exists in name but fails in practice. The leadership that once embodied conviction and purpose has been replaced by individuals who merely perform the motions of governance without substance. The country’s political landscape reflects a deeper crisis, one rooted in the mechanisms of governmentality and the remnants of colonial power.
Governmentality and the Performance of Power
Scholar, Derek Hook, describes governmentality as a form of power that operates by managing perceptions rather than delivering structural change. By repeatedly acknowledging inequality and promising reforms that take time, leaders create the illusion of progress. This performance encourages citizens to self-regulate, internalise patience, believe change is underway and at times defer their demands of justice.
South African leaders lack the conviction necessary to drive transformative change. They have settled into a comfortable routine of political theatre; reciting the language of democracy and equality while presiding over systems that perpetuate inequality. Nowhere is this more painfully visible than in the education system.
Recent studies highlight persistent educational inequalities. The 2023 Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) revealed that well-resourced schools in affluent areas continue to outperform poorly resourced schools in marginalised communities. Basic Education Minister, Siviwe Gwarube acknowledged that, despite post-apartheid reforms, the education system remains highly unequal, with significant disparities in infrastructure, teacher absenteeism and learning outcomes.
A pattern exists where leaders publicly commit to addressing educational inequalities, but the lack of decisive action and effective implementation perpetuates the status quo.
The people, distracted by the spectacle of governance, remain trapped in a system designed to keep power in the hands of the privileged.
Frantz Fanon, one of the most influential thinkers on colonialism and decolonialism, provides critical insights into South Africa’s predicament. In Black Skin, White Masks and The Wretched of the Earth, Fanon explores how colonial rule systematically dehumanises the colonised, stripping them of agency and trapping them in a cycle of psychological inferiority.
Despite South Africa’s political independence, the psychological scars of colonialism continue to shape governance and societal structures. The black mind, conditioned by generations of oppression, has internalised the logic of colonial rule, accepting leadership that fails to challenge existing power dynamics.
The Contradictions of Freedom and Democracy
Freedom in South Africa is often celebrated through constitutional promises; rights to equality, dignity, and movement. Yet, the gap between legal freedom and lived experience is undeniable.
For instance, the right to freedom of expression, particularly in university spaces, is often suppressed by fear. Students hesitate to speak out, fearing institutional retaliation. Recent protests against financial exclusion or poor accommodation conditions are met with resistance, reinforcing the limits of supposed freedoms.
Self-censorship becomes a defence mechanism, a response to the unspoken threat of expulsion or punishment. This psychological fear sustains oppression, ensuring that power remains unchallenged.
As long as fear dictates action, true freedom will remain an illusion. If fear keeps us silent and institutions such as government and universities etc, prioritise self-preservation over real change, can we truly call this freedom?
TikTok’s Creator Rewards programme has yet to be implemented in African countries, and South African are looking to government for help.
Minister Solly Malatsi advocated for the monetization of TikTok at The Safer Internet Summit held in Cape Town
TikTok needs to improve its monetization features for content creators in South Africa and on the continent
TikTok has committed to further engagements with the Minister
TikTok has faced increasing pressure from its African users for monetization and expand its outreach programmes to African countries. TikTok has 17.6-million users in South Africa (SA), with most of them unable to get monetized through the Creator Rewards programme.
Despite SA having more users, countries such as South Korea and Chile enjoy access to the Creator Reward Programme, enabling their creators to sustain themselves through their content creation
At the Safer Internet Summit, Minister of Communications & Digital Technologies, Solly Malatsi, made a call to action for TikTok to implement monetization tools for all African users. The TikTok-sponsored summit gathered political leaders, digital media consultants, & experts to discuss online safety and policies.
Carmen Ramsay (22), a Political Science graduate from the University of Pretoria, said that she left the app due to feeling demotivated from creating lifestyle content that she wasn’t making enough money from.
“We are all in the same market but it’s actually harder for us…we spend so much more effort, money & time into actually creating content that can compete with international level content creators,” she said.
Siphesihle Ntombela (24), a Bachelor of Education graduate at Wits University, stated that content creators should focus more on creating profitable spaces for their content and audiences. Ntombela is weary of government intervention, stating: “If the government is involved, I think content creators would have to register with government organisations and have contracts.”
Content creator, Brendan Roberts, has been advocating for this programme to be implemented and has been working to ensure that users understand that this would not be the case. The fund would simply make it possible for creators to generate income from videos that go viral and have high engagement numbers.
Postgraduate Diploma in Management in Business Administration student Lesego Makinita (24), popularly known as @lesegothebrand on TikTok, argued that the app helps people make ends meet. People such as teachers use the app to connect with their students & to make extra income. Sharing his wisdom gained as a content creator, Lesego advises upcoming content creators by saying: “authenticity is where it’s at…your perspective is your currency & these brands are looking for that. Plan, put in the time, & be consistent. ”
TikTok has informed the minister that they are committed to further engagements with South Africa. Malatsi enthused that economic justice needs to happen & that TikTok must ensure improved online safety measures and policy protocols.
FEATURED IMAGE: TikTok app logo on the screen and a finger about to touch it. Photo: Adobe Stock
To meet persistent service delivery needs, the government has proposed a VAT increase of 1% over two years, raising the rate to 16% by 2026/27.
Finance Minister Enoch Gondongwana finally delivered the 2025 Budget speech on March 12, after a shock cancellation in February. The approval process will follow, with Parliament set to review, debate, and vote on the proposal.
While much of the public debate has focused on the proposed VAT increase, Gondongwana said “the central issue is fostering economic growth for the majority. Over the past decade, South Africa’s economy has stagnated, with GDP growth averaging under two percent”.
To achieve the country’s goals of redistribution and structural transformation, a faster, more inclusive economy is essential.
The 2025 budget outlines a strategy centered on “macroeconomic stability, structural reforms, infrastructure investment, and improving state capability to unlock the country’s productive capacity,” said Gondongwana.
With fiscal stability in focus, the budget also targets reducing debt-service costs and addressing critical issues like Eskom’s debt. Stabilising the economy, enhancing job creation, and advancing social services, are all at the top of the list.
Infrastructure remains a key focus in the 2025 Budget, with over R1 trillion allocated to capital spending over the next three years. Key areas of investment include R402 billion for transport, R219.2 billion for energy, and R156.3 billion for water and sanitation.
Projects such as upgrading roads, rebuilding the Passenger Rail Agency of South Africa’s infrastructure, and expanding water systems are central to driving economic growth, creating jobs, and improving public services. Public-private partnerships and innovative financing, including an infrastructure bond and credit guarantee vehicle, will further support these efforts.
Godongwana said the VAT increase could help meet persistent service delivery needs. It is expected to generate R28 billion in 2025/26 and R14.5 billion in 2026/27. After weighing alternatives like increasing corporate or personal income taxes, the VAT increase was deemed the most viable option to avoid further spending cuts and ensure essential services continue.
In social security, R284.7 billion is allocated to grants, with increases for the elderly, disabled, and child support. The COVID-19 Social Relief of Distress (SRD) grant will continue until March 2026, with 28 million beneficiaries set to benefit.
The South African Revenue Service (SARS) receives R3.5 billion this year and an additional R4 billion for improved tax collection. Efforts to broaden the tax base and improve compliance will help fund essential government services.
For early childhood development and education, the government allocates R10 billion to increase subsidies and expand access to early education for 700,000 more children. This investment supports the foundation for a better future workforce.
In addition to these measures, funding is set aside for critical health and security services, including a R28.9 billion boost to healthcare to retain workers and ensure adequate staffing in hospitals.
But none of these measures can be implemented without a majority vote in favour, so all eyes will be on parliamentarians for what happens next.
FEATURED IMAGE: The cost of living: South African Rands may not stretch as far if proposed VAT increase takes effect. Photo: Adobe Stock
Thirty years after the dawn of democracy, Johannesburg remains a city of profound contradictions.
In 1994, South Africa stood at the threshold of an era that promised equality, freedom and unity under the banner of democracy. The country’s first democratic elections saw the formal dismantling of apartheid – a system of institutionalised racial segregation that had oppressed millions of people for nearly half a century. The world watched in awe as Nelson Mandela cast his vote in South Africa’s first democratic elections, a momentous symbol of the country’s transition from apartheid to democracy.
Johannesburg, a city of gold and dreams, was at the heart of this new South Africa. It was a city meant to reflect the promise of equality, opportunity and freedom for all, including those people who sought refuge in its streets. But 30 years later, Johannesburg tells a more complex story.
Although democracy may have opened its arms to political freedom, it also incubated the rise of anti-immigrant sentiments and left economic divides not only unbridged but, in some cases, exacerbated. As the wealth gap widens, many South Africans are left asking why democracy has not resulted in fair economic distribution. This has led to socioeconomic upheaval and created fertile ground for the anti-immigrant movement in the heart of Johannesburg.
A history of migration
South Africa’s history with migration, both forced and voluntary, predates the advent of democracy. Under colonialism and apartheid, the country’s economy heavily relied on migrant labour from neighbouring countries like Mozambique, Malawi and Lesotho to fuel its mines and agricultural sectors. However, the legal framework of apartheid strictly regulated the movement of black South Africans and foreign workers, maintaining rigid social hierarchies.
With the end of apartheid in 1994, South Africa became a beacon of hope for many people across the continent. Neighbouring countries, having supported the anti-apartheid struggle, anticipated that the new South Africa would lead the charge in promoting pan-African unity and open its borders to fellow Africans seeking better opportunities. Indeed, South Africa has experienced a significant influx of immigrants, particularly from neighbouring countries in southern Africa.
The new government aimed to dismantle the socioeconomic structures that had marginalised most of the population. Economic instability, political turmoil and violence in countries like Zimbabwe, Mozambique and the Democratic Republic of the Congo have driven many of their citizens to seek refuge in South Africa, with Johannesburg being a primary destination.
The post-apartheid government embraced a more open immigration policy, reflecting its commitment to human rights. However, this liberal stance has not been without friction. Jo’burg’s urban environment has seen a rise in competition for jobs, housing and services, often leading to resentment among local communities towards immigrants.
Socioeconomic factors
Johannesburg’s skyline, dotted with high-rise buildings and cranes, suggests a city of unrelenting progress. Yet, beneath this glittering façade lies one of the most unequal cities in the world. The World Bank and various studies indicate that South Africa remains a highly unequal society. A significant portion of the population was denied access to economic possibilities because of apartheid policies and South Africa began the 1990s with already high levels of inequality. The Gini coefficient, a common measure of inequality, places South Africa among the most unequal countries globally, and nowhere is this divide more palpable than in Johannesburg. Wealthy suburbs like Sandton flourish, whereas townships and informal settlements such as Alexandra languish in poverty and neglect.Economic inequality in Johannesburg is not a new phenomenon. Still, the promise of democracy – with political freedom supposed to translate into economic opportunity – has failed many people. Thirty years later, democracy has not led to the mass reduction in inequality that so many people hoped for. South Africa’s high unemployment rate, particularly among the youth, has fuelled frustrations that are often misdirected towards immigrants. Many South Africans perceive immigrants as competitors for scarce resources and jobs. This perception is exacerbated by high levels of poverty and inequality, particularly in informal settlements.
Many immigrants in Johannesburg rely on informal or small-scale businesses to earn a living, facing opportunity and vulnerability in a challenging economic climate. Photo: Sanele Sithetho
As democracy stumbled in delivering economic equality, Johannesburg also became a beacon for migrants across Africa fleeing political instability, war and economic hardship. Zimbabweans, Nigerians, Somalis and Congolese, among others, arrived in the city in search of work and safety. They brought with them their entrepreneurial spirit, opening small businesses in the informal sector and contributing to the city’s vibrant culture.
But for many native South Africans living in poverty, these migrants became convenient scapegoats. As unemployment surged to more than 30% and service-delivery failed, accusations that foreigners were “stealing jobs” or “draining public resources” took root. Anti-immigrant sentiments morphed into violent outbreaks of xenophobia, most notably in 2008 and again in 2015. Johannesburg, the city meant to embody the dreams of a democratic South Africa, became the epicentre of anti-immigrant violence.
Police officers patrolling neighbourhoods known for tensions. South African authorities play a critical role in managing tensions, with police presence aiming to prevent violence and protect communities. Photo: Sanele Sithetho
Perceptions of crime have significantly influenced anti-immigrant sentiment. A series of violent incidents involving immigrants have given rise to the stereotype that foreign nationals are responsible for crime in the city. Although studies indicate that crime is a multifaceted issue not limited to immigrant populations, these perceptions have been manipulated by politicians and media, deepening divisions.
Political rhetoric plays a crucial role in shaping public opinion on immigration. Political parties and leaders have used anti-immigrant rhetoric to galvanise support, portraying immigrants as a burden on social services and a threat to job security. This has led to waves of xenophobic violence, with Johannesburg witnessing several violent outbreaks against immigrant communities. This politicisation has further entrenched negative attitudes, undermining social cohesion.
The rise of movements like Operation Dudula – a vigilante group targeting foreign-owned businesses and calling for the mass deportation of immigrants – reflects how dangerous this scapegoating can become. Such movements frame the immigration issue in narrow, exclusionary terms, reducing it to a zero-sum game in which the presence of foreign nationals is directly correlated with the suffering of South Africans.
Politicians such as minister of sports, arts and culture Gayton McKenzie, the leader of the Patriotic Alliance, and former mayor of Johannesburg Herman Mashaba, who leads ActionSA, are among the politicians who promoted anti-immigrant rhetoric.
McKenzie has called for the enforcement of stricter immigration laws to control the influx of illegal immigrants. He believes that this would help to protect jobs for South Africans, particularly in impoverished communities. In turn, Mashaba emphasises the importance of adhering to the rule of law and has advocated for improved border security and better tracking of immigrants within the country.
Public policy specialist Dr Kagiso “TK” Pooe, says McKenzie and Mashaba have highlighted a problem that is often ignored. The South African government and some liberal-leaning publications have glossed over average South Africans discomfort with illegal migration. “What parties like Action SA, the Patriotic Alliance and the like did was address their long-ignored plea for redress on this matter,” he says.
In response to rising xenophobia, numerous civil society organisations have emerged in Johannesburg, advocating for immigrant rights and fostering dialogue between communities. Initiatives like the African Centre for Migration & Society have sought to document immigrants’ experiences and challenge negative stereotypes. These organisations play a vital role in promoting tolerance and understanding amid the ongoing challenges.
Thandi, who asked that only her first name be used, is a 28-year-old Malawian immigrant who arrived in Johannesburg two years ago, fleeing economic hardship and political instability in her home country. Lacking legal documentation, she found herself in a desperate situation, needing to support her family back home.
After weeks of searching for work, Thandi finally found a job at a local restaurant. However, the experience was far from what she had hoped. Her employer took advantage of her undocumented status, paying her significantly less than other employees and making her work long hours without breaks. “I was afraid to speak up,” Thandi recalls. “I needed the job, but I knew I was being treated unfairly.”
One day, Thandi fell ill and could not report to work. When she returned, her employer informed her that she would not be paid for the days she missed and threatened to report her to immigration authorities if she continued to cause “trouble”. Feeling powerless, she accepted the terms, enduring the harsh conditions for fear of losing her only source of income.
Thandi’s story highlights the vulnerability faced by many undocumented immigrants in Johannesburg. They often endure exploitation, fearing legal repercussions while striving for better lives. “I just wanted a chance to work and support my family,” Thandi says, emphasising the harsh reality of seeking opportunities in a challenging environment.
Democracy, capitalism and the divided city
Immigration to South Africa has been growing, with significant numbers of migrants moving for employment and education. However, there was a decline in migration during the covid-19 pandemic.
Anti-immigrant sentiment in Johannesburg is not only a fringe phenomenon: it has found resonance in political movements and everyday conversation.
One man, who prefers to remain anonymous, speaks honestly about his frustrations. “These foreigners come here and take what’s ours,” he says. “We don’t have enough jobs, houses or food, but they seem to have their own businesses and drive cars. Why should they get what we don’t have? This is our country.”
So, where does the blame lie? Has democracy failed Johannesburg, or has the city’s experiment with capitalism exacerbated the divide? The Human Sciences Research Council’s South African Social Attitudes survey found that only 48% South Africans were happy with democracy. Pooe believes there is a declining satisfaction with liberal democracy.
According to political analyst Dr Thandeka Dlamini, the blame should be shared. “Democracy in South Africa is a political achievement, but without economic transformation, it was never going to be enough,” she says. “The country has followed a neoliberal economic model that prioritises markets and profits, often at the expense of addressing deep-rooted inequalities. Democracy promised the people freedom, but it allowed capitalism to run rampant. The result is a divided society where the elite – both black and white – prosper, while the rest fight over scraps.”
Her words are echoed by migrant advocate and activist Musa Nkosi, who points out the irony in South Africa’s xenophobia. “Johannesburg was built on the backs of migrant labour – first from the rural parts of South Africa, and later from all over Africa,” Nkosi says. “To say that migrants are now the problem is not only false, but deeply hypocritical. The problem is the system that has failed to provide for everyone.”
A fresh wave of xenophobic tension now threatens to tear apart the fragile social fabric of South Africa’s largest city. Recently, in Soweto’s Naledi township, a tragic incident underscored how deeply these divides run. Five children, aged between 6 and 7, lost their lives after allegedly consuming snacks purchased from a local spaza shop. As news spread that the shop was operated by foreign nationals, rage and grief morphed into violence, reigniting simmering anti-immigrant sentiments.
“We’ve been complaining for a long time about the conditions in these shops,” says Zandile Tshabalala, a Naledi resident. “But no one listens. Now, children are dead. These foreign shops come here, sell us expired goods, and no one cares until something like this happens.”
For many people, the presence of foreign-owned spaza shops is symbolic of their broader economic exclusion. Many South Africans feel that migrants have cornered the informal retail market, while locals struggle to find jobs or open their own businesses. The economic frustration, coupled with poor regulation and governance, has turned foreign nationals into easy targets for displaced anger.
Amid the escalating crisis, the South African department of labour has weighed in, taking a balanced stance. The department has expressed concerns over the conditions in which many spaza shops operate, calling for stricter compliance with labour and health regulations. However, it has also emphasised that the violence and destruction of foreign-owned businesses are unlawful and counterproductive.
The tragedy in Naledi is a stark reminder of the fragile state of democracy in Johannesburg. Although the city has politically transformed over the past 30 years, it remains economically divided. Democracy in Johannesburg has undeniably brought political freedom, but it has failed to dismantle the economic disparities that plague its residents. The rise of anti-immigrant sentiments is an unfortunate byproduct of this failure, with migrants often bearing the brunt of frustration in a system that seems rigged against the poor.
FEATURE IMAGE: Immigrants residing in the informal settlement of Hillbrow gathered together. Photo: Sanele Sithetho
The right to food is enshrined in the South African Constitution, yet millions of people are still food insecure. In Jo’burg, hunger does not manifest evenly– it is a consequence of inequality, the ghost that haunts this metropolis.
Johannesburg has always been a city of extremes. It was never intended to be an equal city and today it still tears at the seams trying to accommodate the two extreme ends of the economic spectrum – and all the people who fall in between.
As a city that contains such a wide array of lifestyles, from the moneyed elite to people just scraping by, our culture reflects a swathe of differences, all with their own traditions, values and tastes. Nowhere is this more evident than in our food.
Perhaps this is why Jo’burg was voted the second-best city in the world for food in May 2024. There is a wealth of restaurants in Jo’burg that display the city’s diversity with their creative and delectable cuisine.
Time Out, which bestowed Jo’burg with this ranking, gave special mention to Braamfontein, ‘the pulse of the city’, for its food. Time Out recognised the ‘innovative ventures combining the forces of food and culture’ in the area.
Indeed, Braam has an abundance of phenomenal places to eat. But the award does not acknowledge that this is not the Braam most people experience.
For most South Africans, food is a tool of survival, not something to be savoured. For 63.5% of South African families, food insecurity is an everyday struggle.
In the four square kilometers of Braamfontein, the city’s vast gap between rich and poor is quite clear in the pervasive food inequality.
How is it that being able to eat is still a major hurdle for people living in the city – even for those living around a prestigious university and in a gentrified urban area?
The many faces of Braamfontein: the suburb as a case study
Braamfontein is a stellar example of the past 30 years of democracy distilled into one place. In the late ’90s, Braam was run down and tired, neglected in the face of all the overwhelming reworking that needed to be done by the new government.
But in 2002, the Johannesburg Development Agency embarked on a multimillion-rand regeneration programme for Braam, recognising its importance to Jo’burg as an economic hub.
Since then, Braam has bloomed: R4-billion of private investment has been poured into the area, and it has become the place to be for many young professionals with cash to burn.
To many Jo’burgers today, Braam is synonymous with trendy bars, beautiful street art and, of course, delicious food.
But Braam is so representative of post-apartheid South Africa because this change, although real, is limited – and only certain people get to bask in its glow.
On the outskirts of this shiny, new Braam, struggling students and residents still live – and still need to eat. What they have access to reflects dire levels of food insecurity and the unequal nature of access to food in South Africa.
The award-winning Salvation Cafe, and the sophisticated Olives & Plates both sit within Braam’s perimeters, small enclaves of cosmopolitan cuisine that in no way align with the average Braam resident’s wallet.
Around the corner and over the way are the everyday food spots that Braam residents actually frequent: fast-food joints, spaza shops and feeding schemes.
These are the many faces of Braamfontein, all painting a picture of the complex and devastating way that food accessibility still stands as a major marker of inequality, starkly segregating South Africans even today.
One of Braam’s most visited food spots – the Mcdonald’s on Jorissen. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
Where convenience trumps all – your average spaza shop near Wits University. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
School kids stop for something to eat at one of the spaza shops in Braam. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
Savouring the city
Remko van Niekerk is the co-owner of Salvation Cafe, which was established in 2006.
Salvation Cafe is nestled in the heart of 44 Stanley, among boutique stores and coffee shops. Van Niekerk calls it “an artisanal destination” – a place where people’s creations, including food creations, are treated like art.
As he sees it, “44 Stanley has mostly remained an oasis in the urban jungle of Jozi”, despite the changes in the area.
The café is a popular brunch spot under the cover of trees, surrounded by hanging pot plants, and complete with an outdoor fountain. Everything about it is meant to attract patrons from Westcliff and other affluent Northern suburbs.
Salvation Cafe sign. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
A full house at Salvation Cafe, Braamfontein Werf. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
Elevenses at Salvation Cafe, featuring their iconic salmon eggs benedict. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
Although Van Niekerk says gentrification has increased in the area, he and his staff have also had to deal with the infrastructure issues that plague Braam, like power and water outages.
To combat such expenses while still maintaining a profit, he says the restaurant’s “prices will just have to keep going up”, particularly given the need to pay for alternative energy sources like generators.
On top of this, Van Niekerk’s boss (and wife), chef Claudia Giannoccaro, “is not keen on using lower quality ingredients, thus prices will have to go up accordingly”.
Indeed, Salvation Cafe meals are nutritious, fresh and tasty, loaded with greens and healthy carbs. Their prices reflect this. Burgers range between R130 and R150, salads between R90 and R138, and most lunches cost about R118 (unless you want the teriyaki salmon, which is Salon Qualitaire).
A five-minute drive away on the quiet end of the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits) West Campus, Olives & Plates Wits Club and Conference is housed in a Transvaal vernacular building, with a gorgeous courtyard surrounded by rose bushes and, yes, a fountain.
It is run by sisters Litza Frangos and Andria Neophytou and their husbands, Apo and Dimitri.
The owners of Olives & Plates, who declined requests for interviews, have grown their business into a successful chain of restaurants after originally beginning as canteen caterers for Wits staff. The business was shut down during the #FeesMustFall protests, after which the owners decided to take the business in a different direction.
Inspired by the owners’ Greek roots, the restaurant focuses on elevating classic meals like toasted sandwiches and salads while adding a Grecian flair. Lunches here cost between R150 and R200. Expensive fillet steaks seem to be a speciality and are regular menu picks.
Lunch time at Olives&Plates on West campus, Wits University. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
The pristine rose garden at Olives&Plates. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
The indoor decor at Olives&Plates. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
Lunch fare at Olives&Plates. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
But a restaurant that charges R90 for a fruit salad is a bizarre sight on Wits campus, where students have little choice in what they eat and often go hungry.
So, although fresh food is delivered into Braam every day, the fridges of many students in residence sit empty. What this speaks to, and what the statistics reflect, is that food insecurity is clearly not an issue of supply, but an issue of access.
Walking the breadline
If you walk east from Olives & Plates for about 10 minutes, you will reach The Sanctuary, a beautiful white building that is home to the Wits Citizenship and Community Outreach (WCCO) programme. Every week, the WCCO feeds about 1,000 food-insecure students, who must stand in a long queue to receive their daily meal. Three days a week, the WCCO hands out food parcels of basic groceries to students in need.
Karuna Singh, the WCCO manager, says that in five years the organisation went from handing out “20 parcels to 3,000 parcels” every week.
With ever-rising food prices and stagnant grocery budgets, many students need extra help now more than ever. The National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS) grocery budget has increased only 10% (about R150) over the past four years, whereas food prices increased 50% during the same period.
Need far outweighs what the WCCO can provide, and even what it does offer depends on the tenuous supply of charitable donations. In fact, since 2017, the donations the WCCO has received have been halved as companies slowly pull back.
“The food bank is not sustainable; the hot meals are not sustainable,” Singh says. To mitigate this, the WCCO has set up food commons, growing vegetables around campus that give students food sovereignty and sustainable, fresh options.
One of the WCCO’s many mini veggie patches around campus at Wits. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
The Wits communal veggie patch on East Campus. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
The WCCO’s chronically low food stores. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
The WCCO building. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
The students at the food bank are not destitute. Mostly, they are young people skating along the line of functional poverty; children of single parents or oldest children having to send some of their NSFAS money home each month.
Rivaldo Jantjies, a fellow journalism student at Wits, survives each month from the money his mom can send him. “I can only buy essentials, you know – noodles, bread, peanut butter, milk, sugar – the basic things I need to survive.”
“When it got to the point [at which] I no longer had those basic things, I would go to [the] WCCO,” he says.
Walking past students on campus, you might not see it, but “a lot of students are struggling”, Jantjies observes. “The lines [at the WCCO] are always long.”
Kea Maphila, an international relations honours student, spoke to the all-too-common experience of students in desperate situations while awaiting NSFAS funding.
“My first year, I only got approved in September”, she tells me. In the interim, she says her mom ‘was paying for my res and giving me allowance… It wasn’t a nice experience.’
Maphila’s situation was manageable, but for many students this would have been catastrophic.
NSFAS provides a stipend for groceries, which is usually about R1,650, but subject to change. “My budget is around R1,000,” Maphila says, which is “enough for groceries, but only for groceries”.
For Maphila, food insecurity is a consuming force, forcing students to prioritise their basic survival. “It’s stressful not knowing when your next meal is, but you’re supposed to be at class at 8am, concentrating,” she says.
Thoughtfully, she tells me: “It seeps into every area of your life… you can’t go on with the rest of your day. It removes so much integrity from a person.”
Integrity is a major part of food insecurity, particularly in a social environment like a campus; inequality among students is often emphasised by the type of food they can afford.
This leads back to basic economic inequality – which, in South Africa, is a racial issue, due to the enduring effects of apartheid.
Food insecurity does not exist in a vacuum and food inequality does not sit squarely within the confines of Braam. It is a countrywide problem – an unsolved one, despite promises and attempts by the government.
Zooming out: the economics of inequality
If someone is shopping on a monthly NSFAS allowance of R1,650, a South African Social Security Agency (SASSA) pension of R1,280, a monthly domestic worker’s salary of R3,349, or receives the national minimum wage of R,4400 a month, groceries in today’s economy are almost unaffordable.
This is for a basket of 28 items. But for a basket of just nine basic items (maize, margarine, peanut butter, bananas, potatoes, IQF chicken, black tea, sugar and long-life milk) the prices are still egregious.
Low-priced items will always be the first choice for poor people when buying food. Grocery stores are aware of this fact, enticing them to make their own brand of cheaper products for mass sale.
Closely related to the food insecurity and inequality conundrum is the persistent issue of nutrition insecurity. Across these four major grocery chains, the same product, due to their varying product value and price, will ultimately hold different nutritional values.
Woolworths margarine has the clear nutritional edge: it is the most energising and fatty margarine, but not too packed with sodium. It costs R32.99, in comparison to R17.99 at Checkers, the least nutritious option.
A research paper from the DSI-NRF Centre of Excellence in Food Security explains the reason behind this unfair price leveraging. The research team found that “the minimalist stance of the government” regarding grocery price setting has granted food companies free reign, with “big retail chains [emerging] as custodians of standards, dictating what should be supplied, how and in what form”.
This leaves South Africans vulnerable to the whim of these profit-seeking companies, which can and will change their prices at any time.
Compounding the threat of artificial scarcity is food scarcity brought about by general government incompetence.
Although South Africa produces enough food to feed its population, making it one of the most food secure countries in Africa, millions of people cannot eat. Dr Tobias Doyer, chief executive of Grain SA, says this is because “food security stands on two legs” – the security of access to food and the ability to obtain food – which the government has not provided for poor citizens.
“South African farmers produce enough food. The problem is that millions of South Africans have become poorer with less ability to buy food – causing famine,” Doyer says.
Groceries cost more and money buys less. In an unregulated food market and struggling economy, it follows that food insecurity is an offshoot of inequality, the most pervasive problem in South Africa today.
Thirty years into our democracy, our leadership has still not transformed the lives of the poor or addressed wealth inequality in any meaningful way. The fact that food insecurity is on the rise in South Africa is not an environmental problem, a social failing or the side effect of a global crisis. It is a major systematic failure.
FEATURED IMAGE: Signpost outside the WCCO building. Photo: Ruby Delahunt.
Since her announcement as the Democratic Alliance’s mayoral candidate for Johannesburg, Helen Zille has dominated national headlines. In this bonus episode of We Should Be Writing podcast, hosts Lulah Mapiye and Bonolo Mokonoto dissect a media meet-and-greet with the mayoral hopeful. From her extensive political résumé to her controversial public utterance, we examine why the Democratic Alliance has chosen Hellen Zille as their candidate for the 2027 local mayoral elections. Additionally, […]
